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CONTENTS
Only 11 weeks prior to ringing in the New Year 2000 the military regime took over in Islamabad, and General Musharraf spoke the brave words on 17 October 1999 that all citizens were equal in Pakistan. This was a whiff of fresh air after a long time, and Ahmadis hoped that it would change into a breeze of freedom and human rights not only for them but for other marginalized sections of the society. Alas, that was not to be. The military regime soon succumbed to the pressure tactics of clerics. Before the New Year arrived, the regime opted on the National Security Council, Mr. Mahmood Ghazi, an anti-Ahmadi cleric of long standing. A mulla-led mob attacked the under-construction house at Okara of the District President of the Ahmadiyya Community, demolished the new-construction, looted the old house and set it on fire in the presence of authorities who later shamelessly arrested the victim and his two sons and registered a case against them under the anti-Ahmadiyya law, while none of the rioters or their leaders was taken to task. There were other signals as well. An Ahmadi principal of a Federal College at Islamabad was hounded out of her post at the instance of the religious lobby. The Government of Punjab banned a scholarly book titled Revelation, Rationality, Knowledge and Truth The year 2000 brought in more Ahmadi killings by religious extremists. A larger number of Ahmadis were wrongfully charged under the dreaded PPC 295A, the clause that is cognizable by Anti-Terrorist Courts, while no act of terrorism was committed by them. Many Ahmadis incarcerated unjustly in Sind jails entered their third year of imprisonment. Despite raised hopes, Separate Electorate system remained imposed. No relief was provided in the Blasphemy legislation against its misuse. No minister admitted in public or private that the situation of Freedom of Religion in the country called for improvement. Fanatic mullas seem to be enjoying greater power now than before. They openly preach violence and bloodshed against Ahmadis, and authorities never show them the book of law. It is too obvious that the Church and the State have decided to cooperate with each other in mutual interest. It was during a military regime in 1984 that the notorious anti-Ahmadiyya Ordinance XX was promulgated and floodgates of tyranny were opened. It was now hoped that the military will make amends for its earlier wrongdoing, but the hope regrettably was misplaced. The downward slide continues. A lot happened during the year. It is difficult to mention all the events. It is still more difficult to describe the fears, hurt feelings, deprivations, emotions, hardships, injury and torment of the persecuted, downtrodden and victimized men, women and children. However, an attempt must be made, to meet the requirement of present day human rights activists and the need of future historian. |
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A group of anti-Ahmadi extremists sprayed bullets with automatic weapons on Ahmadi worshippers at their local mosque in Ghatialian (Khurd), District Sialkot, the Punjab. As a result, five Ahmadis died and six were injured. It is learnt that a car was noticed to arrive Ghatialian in the early hours of the morning on October 30, while it was still dark. Ahmadi worshipers came to the mosque for their morning prayers. After the service, at about 6 A.M. when the first worshipper came out of the building, he was hit by a man at the door who pushed him back into the prayer hall. Then two attackers rushed inside and opened up bursts from a rapid-fire weapon on Ahmadis present there. In all, eleven victims were hit. Two of them, Mr. Iftikhar and Mr. Shehzad, died on the spot. The intruders had parked their car approximately one hundred yards away from the mosque, and two of their colleagues had remained behind in the car, ready for escape. The attackers returned to the car, and they sped away from the scene of their crime. The mosque presented a bloody sight after the attack. There was blood all over. Prayer mats got soaked with blood. There was blood in the courtyard as well, as the injured were moved out. The locals hurriedly arranged some transport to take the injured to Narowal for medical aid. While on the way, Mr. Ataulla expired. As medical facilities were inadequate at Narowal, the injured were shifted to Lahore. While in transit, Mr. Abbas and Mr. Ghulam Muhammad also succumbed to their injuries thus bringing the total of dead to five. That left behind six injured. They lived, but not due to any lack of effort by the fundamentalists. They intended to kill them all. Authorities handed over dead bodies to the relatives by the end of the day after necessary formalities. The strike at Ghatialian was not a bolt from the blue for the administration. It knew all along that during the year District Sialkot had generally become a hot bed of anti-Ahmadiyya activities. However no preventive action was taken by authorities to contain the mulla. Religious extremists had raised claim to a number of Ahmadiyya mosques in the district. They damaged one at Koorakot. Another mosque at Merajke was handed over to them by authorities. Reconstruction of Ahmadiyya mosque at Sialkot Cantt was ordered to be stayed. Fundamentalists also implicated many Ahmadis in criminal cases under religious laws. In this, they received ready help from authorities. In the district, criminal cases based on religion, were registered against 20 Ahmadis this year. Although Ahmadis are accused of preaching which falls under PPC 298 C, but PPC 295 A was applied so as to haul them to Anti-Terrorist Special Courts. Mr. Munir Ahmad of Satra has not been granted bail, and is in prison for over one year under such a fabrication. Messers Abdul Jabbar, Mian Fazil and Asad Zahur were also put behind bars on religious charges. All this adds abundantly to mutual tension. Social environment is continuously polluted and poisoned by mullas who enjoy unrestrained freedom in fanning the fires of communal hatred. Extensive anti-Ahmadiyya literature is distributed all over the district. It not only contains slander and insults, it exhorts common Muslims to take violent action against Ahmadis as an act of great religious merit. On the day of the incident, Maulvi Azam Tariq, Patron of the Sipah Sahaba, while addressing a conference in Chak 20 Ghugh, stated: No Qadiani will be spared, if the violence erupts again (The Daily Jang, Lahore; 1 November 2000). Also, on 30 October, mullas of Khatme Nabuwwat organization had planned an open-air conference near Ghatialian. The vernacular press provides the mulla ample undeserved coverage in its newspapers. Politicians like Kalsum Nawaz also wanted to cash the religious cheque; she agitated the public mind on Ahmadiyya issue. Members of the judiciary, like Justices Nazir Akhtar and Mughal of Lahore High Court, unashamedly issued statements that are license to murder. The government has adopted the policy of appeasement of the Mulla, and the bureaucracy is aware of it. As a result, no preventive effort is made. Authorities, however, cannot escape their responsibility; they failed to take obvious remedial measures. The police issued statement that this incident could be the result of an earlier incident in which a non-Ahmadi was killed by an Ahmadi. This was highly misleading. In fact, no Ahmadi was ever charged by the police of that non-Ahmadi's murder. Extensive anti-Ahmadiyya literature is distributed all over the district. It not only contains slander and insults, it exhorts the common Muslim to take up violence against Ahmadis as an act of great religious merit. A few days after the incident, three men were arrested. The police claimed that the vehicle and the weapons used in the incident had also been recovered, however the fourth individual was not caught. The police announced that the culprits were RAW agents, however, there is confirmed report that their gang leader stated during the investigation that he was an office bearer of a Jihadi group and he had organized the attack to serve the cause of religion.
A violent mob attacked the Ahmadiyya Mosque at Takht Hazara in District Sargodha, Punjab, killed five Ahmadis present there, ransacked the mosque and set it on fire in the early hours of the night on Friday, the 10th November 2000. For more than a year, the anti-Ahmadiyya faction had been busy in Takht Hazara in generating communal unrest and tension. A mulla, Athar Shah, protégé of the notorious Mulla Akram Toofani (the adopted name Toofani literally means cyclone) of Sargodha, had been posted in the village, with the only object of spreading sectarian hatred. Last year, he damaged and desecrated graves at the Ahmadiyya graveyard on 5 September 1999. He displayed in the village abusive posters. He would gather street urchins and move around in bands chanting anti-Ahmadiyya provocative slogans in streets. Ahmadis approached the authorities who advised them to remain calm and bear up with the hardship. This mulla also initiated litigation to deprive Ahmadis of their mosque and their Centre. The court decided in Ahmadis' favour. Athar Shah reportedly is a drug addict and drug peddler. He was quite successful at maintaining communal tension at high level. On November 10, he led a group of miscreants armed with sticks, axes and firearms, and marched through the streets of the village chanting provocative slogans and shouting slander and insults. Ahmadis maintained their calm and refused to react. These agents provocateurs then came to the Ahmadiyya Mosque. Athar Shah and his gang continued with their provocation and made another aggressive visit to the Ahmadiyya mosque. It seems they had a plan and were intent upon a serious clash. They precipitated an altercation at the Ahmadiyya mosque, in which Athar Shah was hurt. This was promptly followed by a call on loudspeakers of all the town mosques to everyone to head for the Ahmadiyya mosque. As the situation had become serious, Ahmadis informed the police. Soon a violent mob assembled and raided its target. A few Ahmadis who were present in the mosque bolted the door from inside. The mob broke open the door, demolished the outer wall and rushed in. The armed miscreants overwhelmed the few defenders. Four Ahmadis were murdered on the spot, including the President of the local Ahmadiyya Community. The fifth, a youth of 14 years, died later in the hospital. They hit the faces of their victims repeatedly with their axes, and even cut their throats. It was not easy to recognize them when their dead bodies were handed back to their kin. The police arrived when all was over, although Ahmadis had informed them and requested their intervention before the situation had taken an ugly turn. The vernacular press presented the incident as a sectarian clash, although it was a preplanned one-sided aggression. The mere fact that all the casualties occurred within the Ahmadiyya mosque is ample proof against the story propagated by these newspapers. They reported that two non-Ahmadis were also killed. No non-Ahmadi was killed. It was baseless propaganda, and was a deliberate effort to mislead their readers. Even Mulla Athar Shah is alive. In less than a fortnight, 10 Ahmadis were murdered in their mosques in the province of Punjab. Both the locations selected for the attack were those where Ahmadiyya population is considerable. It seems the conspirators plan to provoke Ahmadis, as that would suit their nefarious religious and political designs. [The news that the central leadership of the International Khatme Nabuwwat called an All Parties Conference for 15 November 2000 (The Daily Jang, Lahore; Nov 12, 2000) is a pointer to their designs.] Authorities, as usual, despite plenty of early warning, purposely decide not to take any preventive action. At Takht Hazara, a formal application had been submitted by Ahmadis to the Deputy Commissioner in October last year and another one recently, on November 4, 2000 informing him of the ugly communal situation and requesting him to take suitable action. The bloody riot of November 10 speaks volumes on the inadequacy and ineffectiveness of the official action on Ahmadiyya requests. Following are the names of the Ahmadi dead:
After the incident a murder case was registered by the police. A counter application against 51 Ahmadis including 5 who were complainants and witnesses of the killings was filed by the opponents. Based on this, the police registered an FIR. The police proceeded against these 5 Ahmadis under PPC 365/295A, 324, 148/149, and arrested them. They were presented before an Anti-Terrorist Special Court where their pleas for bail were rejected. They are now behind bars. The police have taken action against 21 other Ahmadis under section 107/157. The mulla must be laughing. He murdered 5 Ahmadis, and then got dozens of innocent and afflicted Ahmadis implicated in criminal cases, pushing some to the Anti-Terrorist Court that refused to confirm their Bails. What a state!
Dr. Shamsul Haq, a renowned orthopaedic surgeon, was shot dead at night on January 17, 2000 in Faisalabad. He departed from Sahil Hospital at about 10 p.m. and was found dead an hour later in his car at Khurrianwala Road. His hands and feet had been tied with a rope, and he was shot through the head. Religious extremists had been openly active in Faisalabad for the previous many weeks. Authorities did not deal with them with a firm hand, instead complied with their demands and sealed the Ahmadiyya prayer center at Khyaban Colony. Mullahs started a disinformation campaign to confuse the inquiry. According to them the doctor was a good man and was lately thinking of conversion to Islam; his Ahmadi wife did not like his inclinations and arranged her husband’s murder. This theory, besides being ridiculous, is indicative of the crooked conspiratorial thinking of the Mulla. According to the police intelligence itself, extremist elements had plans to hit selected Ahmadi individuals after Eid. The police knew the identity of this gang of terrorists, but failed to take preventive measures. Dr Haq was an able doctor and a charitable person. He provided free medical advice and care to many at charitable institutions. He left behind a widow, three small children and an aged father. Mr. Abdul Latif, another Ahmadi was added on June 8, 2000 to the long list of Ahmadis murdered only for Their Faith in Pakistan. He died of shot wounds inflicted by anti-Ahmadi fundamentalists at village Chak 18, Bhauru, District Sheikhupura, that had been a hot bed of anti-Ahmadiyya agitation for more than a year. An article 'Life at Bhauru Village' described well the situation there in our 1999 Annual Report. The tempo of agitation at Bhauru had been kept up by the opposition all along. Only ten days before the murder incident, the extremists invited notorious mullas like Allah Yar Arshad, Akram Toofani and Mr. Shahkoti of Khatme Nabuwwat organization from other districts, who came and made fiery, slanderous and provocative speeches at Bhauru. They preached and promoted violence. On the day of the incident, some youth subjected an Ahmadi, Mr. Shoaib, to a beating. The victim's mother tried to help him, but only exposed herself to violence. Some other Ahmadis arrived at the scene, and the opposition opened fire with firearms. As a result Mr. Abdul Latif was shot at twice and killed, while three other Ahmadis were wounded. In self-defense a few Ahmadis returned the fire and some attackers were wounded, although none fatally. The fighting spread and continued for sometime. The police arrived late in the evening and made some arrests. The dead body of the Ahmadi was taken to the police station where an FIR was lodged. The opposition also applied for a case to be registered against Ahmadis. Although, the opposition initiated the mischief and the violence, and murdered an Ahmadi, the police and the administration took action against the victimized community. Case No. 155/2000 was registered against 31 Ahmadis at the Sangla Hill police station on 16 June, 2000 under various sections of the Penal Code, at the accusation of a leading mulla of the Tahaffuz Khatme Nabuwwat Organization. Another case was registered against these Ahmadis by the police itself, under 16 MPO. Seven Ahmadis including the president of the local community were arrested by the police and detained at the Mananwala police station. The authorities all along knew about the activities of the religious extremists in the village. A firm preventive action by the former could have prevented the murder of an innocent Ahmadi. It is also awful that the authorities cracked down upon the victims of aggression and violence. This was perpetrated in the past at Chak Sikandar, Nankana, Naukot, and now repeated at Bhauru. Such behavior by the administration defies comment. Harassment of the Ahmadiyya Community at Bhauru at the hands of the police and authorities continued months after the incident. Four of the detained Ahmadis continue to suffer in prison awaiting trial, as they have been refused Bail after arrest.
An Assault by Mulla: Muhammad Akram, Ahmadi, has suffered at the hands of Deputy Commissioner Mustong who expelled him summarily from the district sometimes ago at the urging of local mullas. On April 3, 2000 when he was about to board a wagon for Quetta, two pillion riders who wore masks, opened fire at him. One of the bullets hit Akram who was injured in the leg. The victim was taken to the Civil Hospital where 13 stitches were applied to his wound. He did not report the matter to the police in view of the Deputy Commissioner's hostility and the general atmosphere of anti-Ahmadiyya persecution. Unable to go back, he was staying with a friend at Quetta. An Attempt on Life: Mr. Intizar Ahmad Bajwa, an Ahmadi youth from the village Nia Ben Bajwa, District Sialkot, suffered great opposition from mullas during 1999. He was falsely accused of blasphemy in March 1999 and was put in prison. He was released in December 1999. Mullas kept on his heels and almost got him on December 22, 2000. Intizar was playing volleyball with his pals outside the village by the roadside in the afternoon. At about 4 p.m. a car arrived, stopped, and a few mullas jumped out of the car. These were the same mullas of Sipah Sahaba group who were his accusers in the blasphemy case the previous year. They were armed and shouted the challenge. Sensing the grave danger, Intizar ran for his life. The mullas gave a hot chase and fire one or two shots. Intizar managed to enter the outskirts of the village and hid himself in one of the houses. Losing sight of him, the mullas inquired from an old woman if she had seen a run-away youth. She did not disclose Intizar's location. Having failed in their attempt, mullas went back and left. It was a close escape for Intizar. According to the witnesses, the gang carried a .444 bore rifle, two .30 pistols and a Mauser. Three of the attackers were identified as Shafiq Dogar, Qayyum Butt and Anwar Sarwana. Another one was a member of Jaish Muhammad Jihadi group who had earlier the same day visited the village to collect donations in support of Kashmiri Mujahideen. Another Assault: Malik Munawar Hussain, Ahmadi, owns considerable property and an ancestral home at Rangpura, district Sialkot, but resides elsewhere. On June 11, he visited his birthplace with the intention of collecting the rent and to retrieve some personal goods like TV etc from there. When he, accompanied by his son, arrived there, he was received by a hostile crowd who were intent upon violence. They caught hold of him and beat him up. Malik Hussain's son escaped from the scene to report to the police who came and helped the release of his father from his assailants. Subsequently, Malik Hussain reported to a doctor who produced a medical certificate that mentioned all the injuries that he received. Escorted by a couple of friends, Mr. Malik went to the police station and asked a case to be registered against the miscreants. The police refused to register the complaint and advised the poor fellow to forget it all and go away. The police confided to him that the miscreants had plans to kill him. A Murderous Assault: Mr. Allah Yar, president of local Ahmadiyya Community of Chak 163 W.B; District Vehari was sitting in his farm in the evening, when two strangers arrived on a motor bike on September 29. They asked him if he was Allah Yar, to which he replied in the affirmative. At this, one of them said, "We need some medicine for a patient whom we shall bring shortly". While saying so, they restarted the motor cycle and opened fire at the Ahmadi. One of the shots hit him in the shoulder and went through. The other bullet hit his stomach and damaged a lung. Having fired, the assailants fled away. The victim lost much blood while on his way to the hospital. He was feeling very weak but later recovered consciousness. The bullets were extracted. His daughters provided the blood as it was of the same category. Lately, Mr. Allah Yar had been receiving threats on telephone. The police were provided phone numbers of the telephones from where the threatening calls originated. Investigation produced little result.
Authors of Ordinance XX brought Ahmadiyya mosques specifically in the ambit of the notorious law. The law prohibits Ahmadis to call their mosque a Masjid (Arabic for mosque). Religious extremists have made a broad sweep in interpretation of this clause and tend to violate the sanctity of Ahmadiyya mosques by any means. Obviously, their actions touch Ahmadis' sensitivities to the core and cause them great mental and emotional hurt. Following incidents would show the gravity of this problem. Badin: An Ahmadiyya mosque existed in Goth of Subedar Chandio in District Badin. Heavy rainfalls caused it extensive damage. Ahmadis started its reconstruction. They built half of it and ran short of funds. Later, when they restarted building, the Assistant Commissioner came to know of it. He arrived at the location and had it demolished. This ignoble undertaking happened at the end of 1999. It is noteworthy that a state official supervised the outrage. Liaquatpur, District Rahim Yar Khan: Mr. Muhammad Sadiq, Ahmadi, owns a PSO gas station at Liaquatpur. He built a mosque at the station in 1994, for the facility of transiting drivers. It was open to all for worship, regardless of their creed and denomination. Six years later, mullas decided to move against this house of God in the Islamic Republic. The Assistant Commissioner conveyed that he would consider the issue; whatever that meant. Mullas, however, decided to snatch the initiative from the feeble Assistant Commissioner and announced in a press conference on July 25 that they would demolish the mosque on 28th July in any case. The AC sent for the two parties. Under duress, Mr. Sadiq had to agree that he had no objection to pulling down of the mosque in the prevailing circumstances. Armed with this chit, the panicky police and the shaky AC sent their personnel to demolish the mosque. Mullas and the Administration thus implemented their version of Islam in the Year 2000 that the Government of Pakistan had declared the Year of Human Rights and Dignity. Merajke, District Sialkot: The mosque at Merajke was built almost a century ago by someone who was an Ahmadi Muslim. Among his descendants, some continued as members of the Ahmadiyya Community, while some did not. The mosque, however, remained in the possession and use of Ahmadis during the last 100 years. Now, that elections to the local councils were expected later this year, one, Malik Haq Nawaz, a non-Ahmadi from the same family, became active to hobnob with mullas of Sipah Sahaba and started working towards taking possession of the mosque. He and the mullas contacted the Resident Magistrate. The RM visited the village twice. During his visit mullas put up a show of religious agitation and political strength. Some of the militants present at the occasion told the magistrate that they could take possession of the mosque by force if necessary. The intimidated magistrate decided ex parte in favour of non-Ahmadis, took the keys and handed over the mosque in August 2000 to them regardless of the fact that this mosque had remained in Ahmadiyya possession for almost a hundred years. Bhakoo Bhatti, district Sialkot: One of the mosques here was in possession and use of the Ahmadiyya Community for the last almost half a century. A non-Ahmadi laid claim to it, and a mulla locked the mosque. The police were informed. The SHO police came, made the required inquiries, had the lock opened, and restored the mosque to Ahmadis. Later, other officials also visited the site, and the mosque remained with Ahmadis. However, mullas maintained the pressure and the agitation till they got what they demanded. The Assistant Commissioner ordered the mosque sealed, and Ahmadis lost still another mosque. Golarchi, District Badin: The mosque that was being used by Ahmadis for worship was handed over to non-Ahmadis by the authorities, in the presence of a heavy contingent of armed police on 21 October, 2000. They washed the mosque for the purpose of cleansing it before offering prayers therein. According to the latest reports, two Islamist groups are now locked into a dispute regarding its ownership. Sialkot Cantt: The Ahmadiyya mosque and the Imam's house here had been demolished and were under construction for enlargement. Its plan had been formally approved by the Cantonment Board. On November 16, 2000 the Khatame Nabuwwat activists put up banners: "Stop the construction"; "Demolish the constriction" etc. The Station Commander was informed. At his orders, the authorities intervened and it was mutually agreed that a minaret and niche will not be constructed, nor the place will be called a masjid. However, later on, the extremists filed a suit in the court demanding that the construction be stopped and the building be demolished. They managed to obtain a Stay Order. So much for the freedom of faith to all! Faisalabad: The authorities sealed the Ahmadiyya prayer center in Khyaban Colony, to oblige local mullas. This happened two and half months after the military had taken over the administration of the country and assured the whole world that human rights of all sections of the society would be respected. Normally fundamentalists agitate against minarets and niche in Ahmadiyya mosques, but this prayer center had no minaret and no niche, still the authorities sealed the center. Obviously, the mulla and authorities have no scruples; they only want to deny the freedom of faith to Ahmadis. The nearest Ahmadiyya mosque to this locality is eight kilometers away. Mangat Unche, District Hafizabad: At the demand of local mullas, the police itself had the dishonour and discredit of defacing the Ahmadiyya mosque. The policemen came, hammered and broke to pieces the marble slab on which the Kalima (Islamic creed) was written. One could see that when a state bows down to mulla, it invites ignominy and disgrace upon itself. Dastgir, Karachi: In October, A Sub-Divisional Magistrate and a Deputy Superintendent Police accompanied by a police party arrived at the Ahmadiyya mosque. They took possession of the Kalima (Islamic creed) board and carried it away. Obviously they acted in response to some mullas' demand. Such behaviour of authorities, in the cosmopolitan city like Karachi reflects very poorly on the attitude of the city administration and the provincial government. Haroonabad, District Bahawalnagar: On January 31, 2000, Mahmood Ahmad Cheema, Civil Judge awarded two years' imprisonment sentence to Mr. Ataullah Warraich, Ahmadi of Chak 11/F.W. under the anti-Ahmadiyya section PPC 298B for building a niche and minaret in an Ahmadiyya Mosque. The law does not prescribe this penalty. Chak 17, District Sheikhupura: During August 2000, ten anti-Ahmadi activists arrived at the local Ahmadiyya mosque at about 9 p.m. and told Ahmadi worshipers that they intended to wipe off the Kalima (Islamic creed) from the façade of the Ahmadiyya mosque. Ahmadis told them firmly that they dare not do so. The visitors threatened to approach the authorities, and left. Ahmadis contacted the authorities during the next few days and asked them to protect the Ahmadiyya place of worship. Instead, the police arrived at about 10 p.m; took control of the mosque and removed the Kalima (Islamic creed) themselves. Unbelievable! Chak 100, district Faisalabad: The local Ahmadiyya mosque was constructed 30 years ago. As it was in a dilapidated state, Ahmadis demolished it and started constructing the new building. At this the Assistant Commissioner Jaranwala intervened and the police told Ahmadis to stop the construction. This is blatant intervention in fundamental rights. It happened in the month of December. Chak 6/11L, district Sahiwal: At the instance of extremist religious elements, the authorities arranged effacing of holy words Allah and Muhammad from the local Ahmadiyya mosque. Chak 381, Layya: Mr. Azam, an Ahmadi of the village, has built a mosque on his land. Someone reported the construction to the police. The police visited the site, and unlawfully ordered the Ahmadi to demolish its minaret. District Okara: An Ahmadiyya mosque is located at L-Plot since long. Extremist religious elements started an agitation, demanding that the niche of the mosque be dismantled. The Resident Magistrate Renala Khurd summoned Mr. Zafar Iqbal, Ahmadi, to explain. An Ahmadi delegation met the RM and told him that the law of the land does not forbid Ahmadis to build a niche in their places of worship. The magistrate, however, insisted that in view of the unrest created by the mulla, Ahmadis should dismantle the niche. Ahmadis would not undertake the sacrilege. Later, the Ahmadi delegation called on the Colonel Incharge of the Army Monitoring Cell. He promised nothing and conveyed that he would talk to the Deputy Commissioner. Subsequently the Resident Magistrate issued a notice that the niche should be demolished. The situation was conveyed to the DC, the SP, and the SHO; the AC Okara was also contacted personally. The situation remained tense for weeks and caused great concern among the local Ahmadiyya Community. Khairpur: Mullah Mohammad Siddique, the prayer leader at Bokhari Mosque, Gambit sent an application to the Police, with copies to the Governor, Home Secretary, the DC, the Superintendent Police Khairpur etc, stating that Qadianis, in rebellion against the Constitution of Pakistan, have built mosques at Goth Sultan Ali, Goth Cheema and Goth Nathey Khan; these should be demolished by the authorities by August 11, otherwise activists of Majlis Khatame Nabuwwat will themselves destroy these mosques. The mulla warned the authorities not to interfere with the activities of these Mujahidin, as in case of bloodshed, the authorities themselves will be held responsible. Copies of this notice and warning were distributed in public by the mullas. Ahmadis contacted the Home Secretary and told him that these mosques are not newly constructed as implied by the mulla; in fact these are more than 30 years old. The one at Goth Nathey Khan was built in 1935. In consultation with authorities, Ahmadis agreed that enclosures be built around the minarets and niches of the mosques. Authorities failed to muster sufficient courage to proceed against the mulla. District Nowshero Feroz (Sind): The village, Goth Imam Bux Alavi has its Ahmadiyya mosque. The mullas are agitating against the niche in the mosque, even though it is not visible from outside. Mullas have also demanded removal of the Holy Quran from the mosque. This generated a great deal of tension in the village life. Kot Rasulpur Fazal, Distt. Okara: Ahmadis have their own mosque and community house at this town. On June 25, two locals, carrying a camera arrived at this house in dark hours and knocked at the door. Mr. Jamil, the resident Ahmadi religious teacher opened the door and asked them their business. The two wanted to make a forced entry and take photographs of the interior. Jamil stopped them and told them that there was nothing objectionable inside. At their insistence, he let them come in and see for themselves. They were shown all the rooms. The intruders wanted to take away a picture of the Holy Kaaba (at Mecca) and some Ahmadiyya literature, and wanted to take photographs. They were not permitted to do that. It seems they had come with evil intentions, however their mischief did not bear any fruit.
The government legislated Anti-Terrorism Act in 1997, whereby Anti-Terrorist Special Courts were set up to expeditiously handle cases involving terrorism and to award punishments. Grave apprehensions were expressed at the time by various sections of the society about the possibility of misuse of this legislation. Future events have shown that those apprehensions were justified. The religious extremists were delighted to discover in this legislation possibilities of harming and terrorizing the peaceful Ahmadiyya Community. The government gave them a big helping hand by declaring the religious clause PPC 295A as cognizable by anti-terrorism courts. Ahmadis who are not even remotely involved in terrorism have been hauled up before these courts, and punished heavily. Mr. Waheed Ahmad, an Ahmadi was accused of filling in someone else's Census Data form incorrectly and was awarded 10 years' imprisonment. He is in prison for the last two and half years. The malpractice has continued during the military regime and despite the fact that the regime has declared that Year 2000 will be observed as the Year of Human Rights and Dignity, no breaks have been applied to the misuse of the ATA Act against Ahmadis. Fifteen Ahmadis from Sind who were wrongfully charged under PPC 295A, are in prison for the last two and half years; they remain incarcerated awaiting a Supreme Court decision on whether they should be tried in a normal court. Fresh cases registered during 2000 C.E. are mentioned below. Sargodha: Laiq Ahmad, an Ahmadi shopkeeper in Liaquat Colony, Sargodha had the Kalima (Islamic creed) written in his shop. Ahmad Ali Zafar, a local magistrate took notice and had the Kalima (Islamic creed) removed. Extremists were still not satisfied, and maintained their agitation. Obligingly, the police registered a case in the Cantonment police station against the Ahmadi on January 28, 2000 under sections 295A, 298C and 16 MPO. The severe clause of 295A was applied against the victim on the grounds that the word O Allah, O Mohammad and Bismilla were found written in his shop. According to the police FIR, it was under the direction of the Deputy Commissioner (Nr 116800), that the inquiry was held. The DC's instructions were given on an Intelligence Report titled: Activities of Qadianis. The police report incorrectly mentioned that these words had generated great tension and agitation in the local population. Only a local mulla had passed a resolution against the inscriptions, in the mosque. Daryapur, District Sialkot: Section PPC 295A was applied on April 28, against 10 Ahmadis who have been implicated in two criminal cases on religious grounds. One case has been registered for preaching, while the other is a two years old case based on objection to a niche in a mosque. It is noteworthy that the Deputy Commissioner, who is expected to protect human rights of marginalized communities, himself intervened and was instrumental in application of the ATA section. The Deputy Superintendent of Police here was the same individual who was the SHO when the ugly Chak Sikandar anti-Ahmadiyya riots erupted there in 1989 against Ahmadis. The police of P.S. Sabz Peer arrested Mr. Ghulam Mustafa, the president of the local Ahmadiyya Community, Mr. Muhammad Yusuf, his brother and Mr. Muhammad Afzal, an ex-president. The mulla-bureaucracy duet made this vicious assault on the persecuted Ahmadiyya Community with a vengeance in not only applying the Anti Terrorism Act but also making it a weapon of mass harassment. Of course, no terrorism whatsoever was involved. Bharokay Kalan, District Sialkot: Four Ahmadis, namely Messers Ghulam Mustafa, Hamid, Maqsud Ahmad and Mian Fazil were booked under PPC 298C and 295A by the police, at the accusation of some mullas on July 31, 2000. A few Ahmadis of Bharokay Kalan were watching a TV program on MTA (Muslim Television Ahmadiyya) in the garage of Mr. Nawab Din. On account of the hot weather, the garage door opening in the street, was left open. At this, someone from the village informed a Mulla Firoz at Daska Town, who conspired to have a criminal case registered under the Anti-Ahmadiyya Ordinance against four Ahmadis. The whole case is false and baseless. One of the named accused, Mr. Ghulam Mustafa was the president of Daryapur Ahmadiyya Community. He was not even present at the occasion; in fact, he has never visited Bharokay. He had been earlier implicated in another Ahmadiyya case during last April, and the mulla wanted to put him to more trouble. Another Ahmadi, who was not even accused, was taken in custody by the police. Subsequently, fifty men of the local non-Ahmadiyya faction, gave in writing to the police that the charges were false. Ahmadis sent this supporting evidence to all the senior officials including the Governor, and requested them to hold the enquiry. As a result, the charge under PPC 295A was dropped and alibi of two Ahmadis was established, but PPC 298C remained stuck despite the fact that the lie of the mullas had been exposed. Takht Hazara: As if murder of five Ahmadis of Takht Hazara and desecration of their place of worship on 10th November was not sufficient harm, the police implicated five local Ahmadis in a case of PPC 295A and other clauses. These Ahmadis were important as complainants and witnesses of the riot; they were charged simply because extremist elements involved in the riot demanded so. This amounted to adding insult to injury.
Some observers are of the opinion that Pakistan is fast becoming a lawless country. They may not be far wrong but the fact is that the anti-Ahmadiyya and religious laws are being applied against Ahmadis energetically, even on occasions when they do not apply. Anti-Ahmadiyya laws were enforced in 1984. Since then they have been applied against thousands of Ahmadis with relentless effort and frequency. Vicious application of PPC 295A has been described in Section 7 above. Similarly other such laws are used as handy tools to severely persecute Ahmadis. Registration of a criminal case under these laws can entirely change the life of a victim. Most of them have no previous experience of a visit to a police station. But registration of a case means not only dealing with police but going to courts, the risk of detention, seeking bail, hiring lawyers, going into hiding, perhaps arrest, years of prosecution and in some cases years of imprisonment. Often, the victims are the breadwinners of the family, so the prosecution brings along financial hardship, and thus the whole family suffers. Everyone is on trial, in a way. During the Year 2000, 166 Ahmadis were implicated in various criminal cases of religious nature. These are briefly mentioned below; a chart is placed at Annex I to this Report.
Since the promulgation of the notorious Ordinance in 1984, not a single day has passed when an Ahmadi was not in prison as its consequence. A number of Ahmadis are made to stay behind bars while awaiting trial. Magistrates and trial courts tend to refuse them the benefit of release on bail. The victims then have to go to High Courts or the Supreme Court to seek relief. It is expensive and tiring. Occasionally they have to wait for a long time before their plea is heard and granted. Ahmadis have been often charged frivolously and baselessly under the religious law of PPC 295A, which is cognizable by Anti-Terrorism Special Courts. These courts tend to refuse bail. When higher courts are approached with the plea that the accusation involves no terrorism act whatsoever, they are too busy to give a decision; in the meantime the victims rot in prisons where living conditions are terrible. As Ahmadis, being good citizens, have no previous experience of interaction with police, courts and prisons, they find the ordeal excessively painful. Some of them have been in prison for months, even years, without being held guilty. It is almost two and half years that fourteen Ahmadis arrested for defending their mosque at Naukot, though unsuccessfully, continue to suffer in prison. There is no case; their only fault is their faith. Some of them are seriously ill in prison. For example, Mr. Irshad Ahmad is suffering from serious kidney inflection. He was hospitalized on 7 November 2000. As he is under trial in an ATA Court, eight policemen stood guard on him all the time and he was kept chained to the bed while his feet remained in fetters. The criminals who attacked their mosque go about freely. Mr. Nazeer Ahmad, 14 years old when arrested, in a similar situation, is in prison for two and half years because he helped demolish on old dilapidated mosque and construct a new one at the site. Mr. Waheed Ahmad of Golarchi is suffering highly unjust and harsh 10 years' imprisonment awarded by an Anti-Terrorist Special Court for allegedly filling in Census Data Form incorrectly. He is in prison also for over two and half years. He is now suffering from cardiac problem, in addition. Mr. Tahir A. Nadeem of District Mirpur Khas wore a shirt with Islamic Creed on it. He is in prison for almost a year and half for something so petty. It is ridiculous and criminal to punish someone so harshly for displaying a statement that the society believes to be a great truth. Mr. Munir Ahmad of District Sialkot, a 70 years old Ahmadi was frivolously charged under PPC 295A for preaching and taken to an Anti-Terrorist Court. He is behind bars for over one year. The above mentioned current cases whose victims have suffered the longest are described in some detail in Annex II to this report. On 31 December 2000, 25 Ahmadis are in prison. Other then those mentioned above, the remaining cases are mentioned below:
General Musharraf took over the government approximately one year ago. In the first few days, he put up a liberal face. He said that all citizens were equal. However, he soon succumbed to the pressure tactics of clerics. Wherever the mulla took a stand the general made a hasty retreat. He even appointed an anti-Ahmadi cleric on his National Security Council; now the same person (Mr. Mahmud Ghazi) is a member of his cabinet. The Chief Executive's latest retreat is from his design to replace Separate Electorate with Joint Electorate. The mulla has further dug in on the Ahmadiyya issue, so Ahmadis' situation has further deteriorated, as following developments would show:
During the fourteen months of General Musharaf's rule, Ahmadis have been murdered only for their faith. The number of murders of this period is twelve. Killing at Takht Hazara happened despite the fact that Ahmadi locals had earlier complained in writing to the authorities that communal tension against Ahmadis had mounted to a dangerous level, and requested that the authorities should do something about it. At other locations also, murder attempts and incidents of kidnapping have not stopped. 166 Ahmadis were booked under religious laws or in religion related situations (Annex I refers). The Blasphemy Law was also applied simply because an Ahmadi was sent a parcel of Ahmadi literature. The PPC 295A clause, cognizable by Anti-Terrorist Courts was applied against fifteen Ahmadis, while none of them even remotely committed an act of terrorism. Mobs have attacked Ahmadis' homes in the presence of authorities who took no action except registration of criminal cases against the victims (e.g. in Okara). Ahmadis have been expelled from districts by summary orders of the deputy Commissioner (e.g. in district Mustang in Baluchistan). Ahmadi families had to leave their homes and flee elsewhere (e.g. L Plot/Okara and Dhudial/Azad Kashmir). The Dhudial case is described in essential detail in Section 13. Ahmadiyya mosques were demolished (e.g. at Goth Chandi/Sind and Liaquatpur/Rahim Yar Khan), sealed by authorities (e.g. Faisalabad), and not allowed to be constructed (e.g. at Liaquatpur). The Federal Government compiled with mullas' demand by incorporation of all the religious provisions of the defunct Constitution in the military regime's Provisional Constitutional Order (PCO) with retrospective effect. The Government also backtracked on its declared intentions to modify the procedure for registration of cases under the Blasphemy Law. The proposed modification in the procedure was much trumpeted by the military regime and was strongly recommended by the Convention on Human Rights and Dignity, held at Islamabad in April, 2000. The mulla threatened agitation, and the government beat a hasty retreat. As for the courts, they continue to refuse bails and continue to punish Ahmadis on religious grounds. Two years' imprisonment was awarded to the president of a local Ahmadiyya Community in district Bahawalnagar for building a niche and minaret in an Ahmadiyya Mosque. On October 11, 2000 a magistrate at Qasur awarded one year's imprisonment each to three Ahmadis for displaying Islamic creed and Quranic verses at home and in their shops, in a 13 years old case. Nothing has changed; Ahmadis are getting more of the same. The institutionalized systematic persecution of Ahmadis continues in high gear with full support of the state. The government conveniently ignores any notice taken by foreign human rights concerns. Occasionally lip service is paid to the paper doctrine of equal citizenship but no concrete step is taken. At present, 24 Ahmadis are suffering in prisons on spurious grounds (See Section 9). Mr. Tahir Nadeem is in prison awaiting court decision for the last one year and three months for putting on a shirt with kalima (Islamic creed) written on it. A friend of his in US had sent it to him as a gift. There are other highly compassionate cases that deserve humanitarian concern for prompt relief. Following facts are also very relevant in the context of the official attitude to Ahmadiyya situation:
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