Home Monthly Newsreports Year 2003 Summary

 CONTENTS 

1. Foreword 2. Three stories a) Murder of a community leader - for his faith only b) Mass arrests and endless incarceration of Ahmadis to placate the mullah c) The ordeal of an Ahmadi youth 3. Still more murders and attempts at murder only for faith 4. Endless tyranny and prosecution on religious basis 5. Education under threat 6. Rabwah under pressure 7. Pakistan - a medieval state in 21st century 8. Prisoners of conscience and state convenience 9. Quotes from a Khatme Nabuwwat conference 10. Miscellaneous 11. Mullah’s state-supported role and his vulgarity 12. Conclusion  Annexes  I. Particulars of cases registered on religious grounds against Ahmadis during 2003 II. A letter from the President of Rabwah Community to the Chief Minister III. A letter from the Ahmadiyya Headquarters to the Police IV. A government letter from the Home Secretary V. A letter from the Department of Education (Punjab) to three privately owned schools of Ahmadis at Faisalabad VI. Reply by a school owner to the government letter VII. In the name of God - an article from the monthly Herald, Karachi VIII. Persecution of Ahmadis in Pakistan. Some Statistics and Information for 2003

Here is yet another Yearly Report of the persecution of Ahmadiyya Community in Pakistan. The events unfolded in 2003 on the same pattern as in 2002 and 2001 etc. However, there was noteworthy deterioration in some ways, for instance the number of Ahmadis who faced charges on the basis of their faith were 376% more than the previous year, and the prison population trebled. Although the President made a reassuring speech in the UN General Assembly and called for ‘a double pincer strategy to build harmony, promote moderation, oppose extremism and ensure justice’, back at home Chaudhry Shujaat Hussain, the President of the ruling Muslim League (Q) declared about the political conglomeration of mullahs that ‘The MMA is not our political rival but a natural partner’. These self-imposed political compulsions give rise to administrative conduct concerning Ahmadis that is unsupportable and incongruous with the stated policy at the world forum. Accordingly, during the year 2003 as well, the notorious anti-Ahmadiyya laws and other religious laws were invoked as often, Ahmadis were arrested in dozens most of whom remain incarcerated, officials took unabashed action against Ahmadi individuals and institutions, and, last but not least, the mullah enjoyed great freedom in his anti-Ahmadiyya agitation. There was also open and unrestricted cooperation between officials and the mullahs whenever and wherever Ahmadis were involved. The gulf between official liberal rhetoric and obscurantist action remained as wide as ever. This is obvious from every page of this report where incidents are reported briefly in news format. As this format cannot adequately convey the true nature of the environment and the impact of the incidents, three of these incidents have been described initially in some detail. This would give some idea to the reader of the general impact of other anti-Ahmadiyya incidents as well on the victims at the receiving end. Unlike the past, this report also contains candid reproduction of the mullah's slander and vulgarity in which he indulges unchecked during his sermons and addresses in the garb of religion. This inclusion is for once, to place on record what he undertakes almost on daily basis.

a) Murder of a community leader - for his faith only

Mian Iqbal Ahmad, advocate, District President of the Ahmadiyya Community, Rajanpur was murdered at his home office by unknown gunmen at about 2120 on February 25, 2003. Mr. Iqbal Ahmad was working in his office at the time. His daughter and brother were with him. Two armed men with masks entered his office and ordered the girl to leave. One of them fired at Mian Iqbal while he was still in the chair. The bullet hit him on the head and came out from behind the ear on the other side. Mian Iqbal could move no further. His blood flowed profusely from his head downward on to his chest. In less than ten minutes he died. He was 61. His daughter noticed that one of the killers whose mask had come off partly was a bearded fellow in his early twenties. Mian Iqbal’s brother was also hit. The assassins, having accomplished their grisly act, fled from the scene of crime.

On the day of the incident, the police was on high alert in the town for some other reason. There was police presence and a police vehicle only about three hundred yards away from the scene of this crime, however this did not stop the killers from their mission, nor could they be arrested afterwards. Such is the performance of the police. It is now over ten months that this high-profile murder took place, but no arrest has been made till now, and there is no indication of any progress in the police investigation. Mian Iqbal had no personal enemies, however, a few rabid mullahs were after his blood. In the last quarter of year 2001, in one of the public meetings, the mullahs had declared that Ahmadis were Wajab ul Qatl (who must be killed). The fact had come to the notice of authorities, but they took no action, nor did they question any mullah who could be suspect in the murder of this prominent Ahmadi.

The murder of Mian Iqbal has a background. It is a model case that shows how such acts are precipitated. It illustrates the modalities of mullah-official teamwork that culminates in such a tragic end for the victims. The background of this case is therefore described below in essential detail.

Mian Iqbal was not an Ahmadi by birth. He joined the Ahmadiyya Community of his own volition when he was approximately 20 years old. He graduated in law and took to practice in the courts. He was intelligent, hardworking and honest, so he became a successful lawyer. He spared time for charity work and community service, so he rose to become the president of the district Ahmadiyya Community. His success and community position did not endear him to mullahs of the Khatme Nabuwwat organization, who decided to go for him. Initially they decided to bank upon the state to incarcerate him under the anti-Ahmadiyya and other religious laws.

General Zia promulgated the notorious anti-Ahmadiyya Ordinance XX in 1984. So in 1987, the mullahs prevailed upon the police to charge Mian Iqbal under that Ordinance. He was arrested on September 20, 1987 under PPC 298C, case Nr. 30/87. Subsequently Mian Iqbal was released on bail for the duration of the trial. In 2003, he was still being prosecuted, 16 years after the registration of that case. Witnesses had been called to appear in the court on February 26, 2003, the day after Mian Iqbal’s life was taken.

Mullahs had targeted Mian Iqbal in late 80’s, so he had to face many other cases in the years ahead. Of these, the criminal accusation of 1994 against him deserves special mention, that he, allegedly in a discussion with them, used derogatory remarks about the Holy Prophet (Peace and blessings of Allah be on him). This was a brazen lie. Mian Iqbal could never defile the Holy Prophet who was the most respected personality in his faith and belief. The Deputy Commissioner (DC), Tariq Javed Afridi, ordered an inquiry. Although the investigating officer found nothing to implicate Mr. Iqbal under the Blasphemy law, PPC 295C, the publicity-hungry DC had him charged under the notorious law, in addition to another religious law, PPC 298A. Mian Iqbal was arrested in this false case on October 13, 1994 and put behind bars. The Sessions Judge, under the influence of the DC refused to accept his bail application, so the poor accused had to seek relief from the High Court. He spent five weeks in prison before the High Court released him on bail.

The Deputy Commissioner behaved more like a politician, even a mullah, rather than a civil servant in this case. He arranged the local tabloid flash the following headlines and news:

The Deputy Commissioner tightens the grip on Qadianis, arrests their District Amir. Prior to this a Qadiani missionary was arrested at Dajal on the orders of the DC and the complaint of Awami Youth League. I have told the City Magistrate not to accept bails of the enemies of the Sovereign of the Universe (the Holy Prophet). We possess little except the love of the Holy Prophet - Tariq Javed Afridi (the DC) The weekly Mithan, Rajanpur; Oct 20, 1994

Still more in the same tabloid:

The DC also stated, “We have done all this (arrest of Mian Iqbal) in our submission to the Master of the Two Worlds (the Holy Prophet). It is possible that this service of ours might gain acceptance in his august presence.”

The tabloid not only splashed the ‘great’ action of the DC, it even wrote an editorial on the subject that ended on the following note:

This case under the blasphemy law was registered at the order of the DC, and a mullah Hafiz Muhammad Siddique was arranged to act as the complainant in FIR 160/94. The mutual cooperation between the mullah and the state was shown by the headline in the daily Sahil, Rajanpur of October 15, 1995:

It should be mentioned here that this DC, Tariq Javed Afridi was, a few months later, found guilty of corruption by the government, and ended up in prison.

The mullahs of the Khatme Nabuwwat Organization get paid from confidential sources for making mischief. Mullah Ali Muhammad Parhar heads this organization in Rajanpur and maintains close liaison with the police to mutual benefit. In 1999 he succeeded in getting a criminal case registered in FIR 260/99 against Mian Iqbal Ahmad under PPC 298C/298. In this case they got one, Nazir Ahmad Dangar (in Punjabi, a Dangar means ‘animal’) make a fabricated complaint. They found the excuse in a small gathering of Ahmadi young men in an Ahmadiyya mosque at a village Kotla Janda. Mian Iqbal and six unnamed Ahmadis were accused of proselytizing, defiling the Holy Prophet, using a loudspeaker, assembling in a place of worship that has a minaret like a mosque etc. In fact no non-Ahmadi had been invited nor permitted to attend the gathering, no loudspeaker was used as there was no need of one to talk to only 70 persons, nor does that mosque have a minaret; and of course, no Ahmadi would ever think of defiling the good name of the Holy Prophet. The complaint was a pack of lies. No wonder, the magistrate accepted Mian Iqbal’s plea for bail.

For many years, Mian Iqbal faced persistent harassment and threats from anti-Ahmadiyya religious activists. In August 1999 he conveyed in a letter that a few days earlier three men who looked like madrassa students encircled him in a threatening manner, but fled as two Ahmadis, who were nearby intervened. A fortnight before, a non-Ahmadi had sent him a threatening message. In those days, a college student told his colleague that if he gets hold of a pistol, he would like to try it on Mian Iqbal. There were confirmed reports that mullahs conspired to get him implicated in some fabricated criminal case of serious nature like murder or armed robbery. In the year 2000, when confronted with a false accusation under the Blasphemy Law, he wrote in a letter on December 8, 2000: “I was charged under PPC 295C, the Blasphemy Law, in 1994. I applied to the Session Court, the High Court and then to the Supreme Court to set aside (the false allegation) but the three courts rejected my plea. I have been incarcerated on two occasions. I am growing old. Now to suffer incarceration and to go through the rough procedure of appeal in the High Court and the Supreme Court, that may take 8 to 10 years, while in prison, would be tortuous.”

Although Mian Iqbal was implicated by the mullah in numerous cases, he was not behind bars as desired by the mullah. He was carrying on with his successful legal practice, and was also defending Ahmadi cases in courts. Lately he had won the famous case at Leyya where four Ahmadis had been charged under PPC 295B and 298C. It seems that the mullah decided to go for the kill. It does not cost much to hire assassins. However, it is for the police to investigate in depth, and reach the killers. But, alas!

Mian Iqbal’s gruesome murder was mourned by many in Rajanpur and nearby districts. The District Bar Association and the legal community protested manifestly at this ghastly crime. Urdu language national papers, that are normally very shy to support an Ahmadiyya case, spared plenty of space to report protests against Mian Iqbal’s murder.

Following headlines would show:

The Daily Ausaf, of Multan; February 27, 2003 reported as follows:

Mian Iqbal Ahmad was a good man and a competent lawyer. A non-Ahmadi was heard saying: ‘Rajanpur is now left without a (great) man of law.’ He was a popular man for his sympathetic and helpful disposition. He is survived by a widow, two sons and three daughters. Of his five children, three have unfortunately some genetic defect and are somewhat retarded. The other two are still students. The family now has no earning member. The vultures of extremism and fanaticism consumed the breadwinner. The state acted indifferent and apathetic; the deceased was only an Ahmadi.

b) Mass arrests, unjustified incarceration and extensive persecution of Ahmadis to placate the mullah

Some unknown persons murdered a mullah, Amir, in Chak Sikandar, District Gujrat, Punjab, on September 4, 2003. The mullah was riding a motorcycle with his son who also died in the attack. The anti-Ahmadiyya faction of the village put the blame of the murder on Ahmadis and the police accepted the accusation prima facie without any inquiry and proceeded to victimize the Ahmadiyya population in a big way. It is a telling story and its essential details will show how the system works, in fact malfunctions, with little regard to facts, justice and principles of fair administration.

Chak Sikandar is a sizable village with Ahmadi as well as non-Ahmadi population. The village Ahmadiyya community comprises mainly farmers and labor class. The two religious communities lived in peace, however things changed when the state intervened and forcibly declared Ahmadis non-Muslims, and General Zia implemented a policy of persecution of Ahmadis. This policy encouraged mullahs to wield influence in the civil society at the cost of Ahmadis. In Chak Sikandar, Mullah Amir was clever and wicked enough to gauge the anti-Ahmadiyya environment in the country and to exploit the same to his advantage at the village and area level.

Mullah Amir was an ex-soldier. He was a prisoner of war in the 1971 war in erstwhile East Pakistan. After his return from captivity he was discharged from the Army, and he returned to the village. In the village, he had only one acre of agricultural land, so he decided to become a cleric and took over the mosque. He calculated that in the prevailing environment, an anti-Ahmadiyya posture and stance would provide him the required finances and social status to lead a better life than he ever had in the Army. He joined the Khatme Nabuwwat Organization, became an activist and took to fanning the fire of anti-Ahmadiyya hatred. He was a fiery speaker and a successful rabble-rouser. The peace of the village came to an end and was replaced with communal hatred and animosity. It became almost a tinderbox. The situation because explosive and resulted in the 1989 communal riots in the village. The Ahmadiyya community suffered greatly in those riots. Apart from the deaths, scores of Ahmadi houses were put to torch, their cattle were killed, most of the households had to flee from the village for safety. The authorities condoned the attacks, arrested Ahmadis and made them feel as political orphans.

Mullah Amir emerged as the hardened victor who acted as unbridled gang leader in the following years. From sources, unknown to the villagers, he became almost rich. He was the first man to build for him a bungalow in the village. He wielded influence with authorities, and his own flock was cowed down by him. In the power struggle among his own community, he generated opposition. There was a great deal of whispering when his brother-in-law, whom the mullah did not like, was murdered and the killer could not be traced. Then in 1996, the mullah was not on good terms with a local influentional, Haider Bhand. A few weeks later Haider was also murdered. The police did not nominate the murderer again, but the bereaved families bore grudge against the mullah.

On the day of the incident, the mullah was murdered about two furlongs outside the village, at about dusk time. It seems the killers had planned well. They succeeded in their attack and fled. Nobody saw them. The police did not actively pursue their track. Immediately after the killing, some people acted in a manner to conveniently and spuriously put the blame on Ahmadis. The mullah was rabidly anti-Ahmadi, so the killers could easily take cover behind this. It worked, as estimated and planned by them.

The villagers came to know soon after the attack that the mullah had been murdered. They informed the police that arrived without delay. Someone switched on the loudspeaker in the mosque, blared the news, and accused Ahmadis. Sajjad Haider, son of Haider Bhand (murdered in 1996) had it announced that he will donate Rs.50,000 to build the tomb of the mullah. When the police arrived they asked Abdul Ghafur, the brother of the accused to formally lodge the complaint for the registration of the FIR. Ghafur stated that as he was not fully aware of the circumstances of the incident he would take two days to consider, and then make the complaint. He was firmly advised that a delayed FIR would lose its impact so he should make his complaint. Ghafur thereafter undertook consultation and advice, and proceeded to blame Ahmadis in his report. The police registered the FIR and moved fast to arrest all the available Ahmadis in the village. The murder itself and the post-murder activities moved like clockwork as if some hidden co-ordination was at work. These proceedings manifestly moved away from locating the real culprits, and were directed to implicate Ahmadis who were not responsible.

Here, a word about the FIR. Ghafur, whose report forms the basis of the FIR, was in the village mosque when the murder took place. He knew little about what happened at the scene of the crime. However, according to the FIR, he and his four colleagues saw the entire action of the murder; they saw and named eight Ahmadis armed with specified firearms (giving their type and bore); also two unknown men whom he can recognize if produced; description of the entire event as to who fired, in what sequence, and the body parts where each bullet hit the two targets etc. The report is descriptive enough to beat any composition based on repeated replays of a video. They even named two others whom the accused had consulted prior to the attack. The FIR mentions that this consultation was observed and heard by named witnesses etc. etc. The FIR is a bunch of lies and is entirely fabricated. It is typical in that in this part of the sub-continent, subsequent to a murder, the accuser names a large number of his opponents, and concocts false evidence to incriminate many innocents. This gives him the opportunity to harass a great many of his opponents, through the state apparatus, at little cost. The police are happy with a large number of suspects as they all become available for extortions. In such cases, the police and court proceedings bring in great difficulties for the accused; thus a murder is sometimes welcomed as an occasion to extensively harass the opposition. They did this to Ahmadis; and the police, rather than locating the real perpetrators of the crime, a difficult undertaking, were satisfied with arresting a large number of Ahmadis and harassing them extensively.

It would be of interest to narrate the flow of events soon after the incident. As the news of the murder of the notorious mullah broke and the loudspeaker of the mosque got going at ‘high’ pitch, Ahmadis got very worried. The memory of the 1989 riots flashed back and most of them feverishly considered various options to avoid the inevitable, although misplaced backlash. With many, the immediate reaction was to flee from the village. The police nabbed the rest who stayed behind. The police raids went on till 11 p.m. and they arrested 22 Ahmadis including two boys under 12. The police and the villagers took the two dead bodies to the Lalamusa hospital. At the hospital, Dr. Naveed was on duty. The crowd came to know that he was from an Ahmadi family, so they attacked him. He escaped with mild injuries. Early next day, anti-Ahmadiyya sentiments and propaganda picked up in high gear. This was the day of burial of the mullah. Messengers were sent to all the neighboring villages to announce that the ‘great’ mulla Amir had been murdered by Ahmadis and all the believers should converge on Chak Sikandar to attend to the last rites and to confront the infidels. Higher authorities did not fail to grasp the seriousness of the situation, so the police were given firm orders to ensure that the law and order situation should not get out of hand. The police established a temporary post at Chak Sikandar and they made sure that outsiders were not allowed inside the village. It was a tense day, and Ahmadis remained apprehensive amidst the non-Ahmadi community; however, no rioting took place.

The police had managed to arrest some of the Ahmadis named in the FIR, but failed to arrest all. The police proceeded to detain Ahmadis who were neither suspects nor in any way required for investigation, but it was done to force the Ahmadiyya community to hand over the absconding accused. Mian Rashid was detained and subjected to torture by the police. The wife of Mian Akmal was manhandled. Eventually they got all the 8 named accused plus two more.

Although the police prevented any riots, they gave a free hand to the fanatics to fan the fires of hatred. No check was placed to their activity. The non-Ahmadiyya mosque has a minaret, 90 feet high. On top of that there is a battery of high-powered loudspeakers. The speakers are switched on a number of times a day to fire a steady barrage of most hateful and abusive anti-Ahmadiyya propaganda. Arif, a pseudo cleric, switches on the loudspeaker every morning on the pretext of Quranic lessons, and harangues his community on nothing but hate and violence. His other favorite subject is financial donations. Then there is one Master Amin, who visits Chak Sikandar every 10-15 days and recharges the battery of communal hatred from the mosque. He often takes out a procession in which miscreants are armed and they take to firing in the air. While proceeding to the graveyard they utter provocative slogans and abusive shouts against Ahmadis and their leaders. Master Amin has undertaken to form a squad of 313 Mujahidin who would volunteer to do jihad against the infidels. During the week after the murder, announcements were made from the mosque urging all Ahmadis to recant and rejoin the fold of Islam. They were give an ultimatum that they had till 15 September to do so to save their skin, otherwise they should remain prepared to face dire consequences like burning of their homes and expulsion from the village. People like Arif and Master Amin are new mullah Amirs in the making. These leaders of mischief have got manufactured 6"x4" steel plates, bearing anti-Ahmadiyya vitriol; non-Ahmadis were made to buy them and nail them on their outer doors. Those who were reluctant to pay for them were told that in that case their homes would not be differentiated with Ahmadiyya homes when it comes to arson. All this goes on while there is visible police presence in the village.

The behavior of the police deserves condemnation. Their conduct is far from professional. They have not traced the real culprits and have nothing concrete to incriminate Ahmadis; still they have made no move to free the innocent. The police actively co-operated with the false accusers to harass and persecute Ahmadis. At their behest, they raided Ahmadi homes, subjected them to searches, harassed Ahmadi women, beat up the men and behaved very badly. They thrashed Messers Ejaz, Mian Akmal and Javed, Ahmadis. They took away Munir, an Ahmadi accused to solitary confinement and subjected him to torture. They beat up severely Mian Rashid. The policemen, in collaboration with mullah Amir’s party, subjected an Ahmadi woman to physical harm by other women. She asked the police to register an FIR, but they refused to do so. Eventually she applied to a higher official, who ordered that the criminal case be registered. It was done (FIR 536/03), one month after the incident. No arrests however were made. On the other hand, the police, in collaboration with Ahmadi-opponents raided the house of Mr. Javed Iqbal, Ahmadi, on the pretext of search for firearms. They found nothing. Nevertheless they charged four Ahmadis, Messers Javed, Nasir, Sadiq and another in a fresh criminal case FIR 479/03, and arrested Mr. Nasir and Mr. Javed. This was unabashed high-handedness and discrimination, loud and clear. While carrying out the search, the policemen stole Rs.10,000, which they found under a bed; Javed had got the money by sale of a calf a few days earlier. The criminal case and the arrest etc have cost Mr. Javed further two times this amount in ‘miscellaneous’. To add insult to injury, the police subsequently arrested 18 more Ahmadis under PPC 107/151. These are: Mukhtar Ahmad, Rukhsar Ahmad, Bahawal Baks, Mubarak Ahmad, Tariq Ahmad, Nadeem Ahmad, Bilal Qaisar, Qamar Zia, Humayan, Muhammad Saleem, Badar Munir, Khurram Munir, Muhammad Asif, Muhammad Afzal, Iftikhar Ahmad, Zafrullah, Ghulam Ahmad Tahir and Noor Muhammad. These were subsequently released from Gujrat Prison on bail, however the ten accused in the main FIR remain incarcerated.

Ahmadis’ life at Chak Sikandar was not ideal even before Mullah Amir’s murder. It has worsened since then. It seems it will take a long time before reverting to pre-September level. Mullah Amir’s successors have found that his murder is a jackpot. They continue to circulate the bowl for donations in his name for the welfare of his family, and have collected more than a million of rupees. Anti-Ahmadiyya slander is an essential part of the campaign. So notwithstanding the President’s assertions against extremism, it is flourishing under the nose of the local police at Chak Sikandar. In the past three months, Ahmadis have suffered financially as the farmers could not reap the seasonal crop. Ahmadi labor is not getting work as before. Ahmadi children’s education has been adversely affected. At one stage, Ahmadi girls were turned away from attending classes in their local primary school. Their parents approached the Education Officer to have them reinstated in their classes. This has been done, however, school children are facing harassment from their class-fellows who are in greater numbers. Although, Ahmadis who fled from the village, have returned, but they are facing different kind of new hardships. There is a social and commercial boycott in place. Non-Ahmadi retailers do not sell them their daily needs. The village transporters do not let them ride their transports to go to town. Even medicines are denied. Ahmadis, with community help, have opened a small retail outlet of their own, installed a small wheat grinder and got themselves a rickshaw for transport. The community leadership has urged the Chak Sikandar Ahmadis to cope with the ordeal with patience and fortitude, and bear with all kind of provocation. Ahmadis remain worried about their kith and kin suffering in prison. There are ten Ahmadis in the District Jail at Gujrat. One of them is 75 years old. Another is their vice-president who is a heart patient. One, Mian Khan is a single parent whose children wait for him. Almost all of these prisoners are breadwinners of their families in whose absence they have the additional worry of financial hardship. And, above all, they are all innocent in this case. Mullah Amir is gone, but his unpropitious legacy remains.

c) The ordeal of an Ahmadi youth

Dera Ismail Khan (DIK) is a district headquarters town in the south NWFP. West of this district lies South Waziristan that is often mentioned in dispatches concerning activities of absconding Taliban, while across its southwest border lies the vast province of Baluchistan. The district is inhabited mostly by Pushtuns. Maulvi Fazlur Rahman, the General Secretary of MMA hails from this district. Islamist priests enjoy a lot of political, communal and thereby administrative clout here.

At DIK, like in most other NWFP towns, there is a small Ahmadiyya Community. Suleman Ahmad, an Ahmadi youth, aged 17, resided here at his maternal home. He was a science student at the local college. He lived here with his mother and two younger sisters. His father owns a small business at Bhakkar, approximately 35 miles eastward, in the Punjab. He would come to visit his family two or three times a week.

Suleman is a handsome young man of medium height, fair complexion and Caucasian features. He took interest in physical as well as academic activities. He was a member of the local Brothers Health Club for bodybuilding. He was well respected among the fellow youth, as he was a morally upright fellow of pleasant disposition who offered his prayers regularly and bothered no body. His non-Ahmadi pals even requested him to lead them in congregational evening prayers at the club.

Early in 2003, in a bodybuilding competition, Suleman fared well and was declared as fifth among top six bodybuilders, thus replacing a contender called Rafiq. Rafiq was not pleased, and decided to move against Suleman to remove him from the scene. In the preceding few weeks, Khalid Gangohi, a local mullah had distributed anti-Ahmadiyya literature among the club members. Suleman, in self-defense, had given a few pamphlets of his own to a fellow who in turn gave these to Rafiq. Rafiq passed them on to mullah Gangohi for action against Suleman. The mullah and the antagonist hatched a conspiracy to implicate Suleman in a criminal case based on religion. They started an agitation at the mosque, the neighborhood and the club, and contacted the police as well. Well-wishers of Suleman passed this information to him and informed him of the hostile moves. Suleman informed his family of the ominous developments and even considered fleeing the town, but they were not fully conscious of the enormity of the mischief intended by the mullah. The local police initially took no action on the mullah’s representation, so Gangohi approached the city’s leading mullah, Alauddin, to press charges. Mullah Alauddin wields great influence in the town. He contacted the District Police Officer, who told the SHO to take action. The SHO compiled the FIR on May 26, 2003, registered the case and proceeded to arrest young Suleman. His little sister started shedding tears and crying at his arrest. Suleman was charged not only under the Ahmadi-specific law PPC 298C, but also under PPC 107 and 151 (assembling to disturb public peace and its abetment); on what grounds, is not known. The police also raided his house to recover some Ahmadiyya literature, but found none.

Suleman had no previous experience of dealing with police, or with any department that is concerned with crime and law. In those days, he was appearing in his important final examination of the F.Sc., which would be decisive in his future professional education and career. The criminal case, the arrest, the police lock-up, missing his crucial examination, all these developments were extraordinary and frightful for him. Mullahs made his arrest a big issue and the local press published the news that a Qadiani preacher had been arrested. The press as happy and delighted with the arrest quoted even Maulvi Fazlur Rehman of the MMA. At the police station, a constable, Chan Shah tried to scare Suleman further by telling him of the likely course that the law would take in his ‘very serious’ case.

While Suleman’s attorney moved the court with a plea for his release on bail, Suleman was shifted to the city’s main prison. The prison authorities put him up in the ‘Munda Khana’, the Juvenile Section. This building was built in 1854, and is in a dilapidated state. It has a dirt floor, and its roof leaks badly when it rains. Suleman stayed here while his case was heard in the local court and his plea for bail was moved in higher courts. Life in the prison was hard for the youth who was a decent college-going student. Some of the inmates were mentally retarded, while most of the others had a criminal record. One of those was Aftab, who was a Sipah Sahaba activist. Aftab had been sentenced to 17 years’ imprisonment for his terrorist activities. Grenades had been allegedly recovered from him. He hated the ‘Qadiani’ newcomer, and agitated other inmates against Suleman on religious grounds. He also abused him, off and on with bad names. Aftab arranged to import anti-Ahmadiyya literature in the Munda Khana, however Suleman prudently decided not to reply in kind. Food provided by prison authorities was not fit to eat and the tea was undrinkable hot water, so Suleman had to cook his own food like other prisoners. The roti (bread) was provided by the jail, while other rations had to be acquired from outside under personal arrangements. When it rained, water dripped in quantity from the roof, the floor became muddy, and the inmates had to compete for little dry islets on the floor. Movement inside the dormitory became very restricted.

Arrangements for ‘Mulaqat’ (meeting the prisoner) in the prison were highly unsatisfactory. There was only a small space from where a large number of visitors could try to talk to the prisoners through a wire mesh. Everyone had to shout in an effort to get heard, thus very little got communicated through the noise. Visitors had to almost ride others’ shoulders to show their faces. In these circumstances, it became impossible for Suleman’s mother to visit him. She could only pray for her son. Later, jail authorities were somehow persuaded to allow one meeting between the mother and son, under special arrangements.

While in prison, Suleman was taken to the courts handcuffed almost every fortnight except when his security was threatened by a gang of mullahs. These court appearances usually caused great concern, as the mullahs would come to the court in large numbers to intimidate the judge and the defense team. They would shout slogans. At one such occasion a mullah was reported as telling another, “This boy should have been sorted out with a burst (of fire) rather than through the police”. In such an environment, the magistrate could not muster the required courage to release Suleman on bail. He expressed his exaggerated assessment that Suleman’s release would initiate a countrywide protest. The plea for bail was then taken to the Sessions court. Mullahs arrived there as well in numbers. They tried to smuggle in a rapid-firing rifle at the occasion, however it was detected and confiscated by authorities. Fearing a murder in captivity, the authorities decided not to present the accused before the judge who was a woman. The lady was under great pressure. It was no surprise that she rejected the plea for bail on some incomprehensible, even ludicrous grounds. The plea for bail was thereafter taken to the High Court.

In the meantime the stress and strain of stay in prison started having its effect on young Suleman. The criminal company was repulsive to him. He would get up even for the midnight ‘Tahajjud’ prayers. His health was adversely affected. The unhygienic living conditions produced a kind of severe skin disease. Suleman ended up by having numerous sores all over his body. They numbered approximately 40.

The High Court bench at DIK proceeded on summer vacations, so Suleman’s attorney took his plea for bail to the High Court’s head office at Peshawar. The judge initially gave frequent dates for hearing his plea, but could not give a verdict. Then he got transferred, and another judge took up the plea. Eventually, after about four months of incarceration Suleman was set free on bail, on 16 September 2003. It was indeed a most welcome deliverance for young Suleman.

Although Suleman is out of prison, DIK, his hometown has changed for him forever. He has been told that his safety cannot be assured in the town. Thus he lives elsewhere and goes to DIK to meet his mother and sister very rarely. On these occasions he makes sure that he arrives in the town after sunset and leaves prior to the morning twilight. His mother does not let him leave home during the daylight hours. The stay thus amounts to a kind of detention, so he cuts these visits short. He cannot meet even his friends and well-wishers, most of whom shun him now anyway. He cannot rejoin his college because it is no longer safe to do so; everyone knows his position after the case, and the student unions, most of which are organized on sectarian basis, would not let him attend the college in peace. Suleman has already lost one year of his precious youth and education, in fighting the case. He intends to appear in the next yearly examination as a private student, hoping that the damage done to his academic career is not permanent. Suleman is now free, but not entirely, as he has to face the prosecution till the judge gives a verdict. Rashid Ahmad Sanauri, another Ahmadi of DIK earlier suffered prosecution for six years in an anti-Ahmadiyya case (1993 to 2000), partly in prison, as some Quranic verses were discovered at his property. The business of Suleman’s father was severely affected during the course of prosecution. The small Ahmadiyya Community at DIK is dented further as a result of this case, as the mullah now does not allow them to congregate even for the weekly Friday prayers. A new convert to Ahmadiyyat decided to recant because he could not bear up with the stress of being an Ahmadi. In short the toll taken by a single case is indeed great for not only Suleman but for all members of the Ahmadiyya Community in the entire district.

Brief history of Ahmadis’ persecution at D. I. Khan (NWFP)

The small Ahmadiyya community of D I Khan, has had a very rough time at the hands of Ahmadi-bashers during the last twenty years. The city happens to be the hometown of Mufti Mahmud once a JUI chief minister of NWFP, and his son Maulana Fazlur Rehman of MMA. It displays their colours distinctly in the experience of local Ahmadiyya Community. Briefly:

1.	Ahmadiyya mosque was taken over by mullahs in 1973. The loss of their place of worship was a big blow to the Ahmadiyya community. Its traumatic effect is felt to this day by Ahmadis.

2.

Muzaffar Ahmad, age 12, son of Malik Mahmud Ahmad Awan, now the president of the district Ahmadiyya community, was abducted on 27 June 1983 in the wake of false accusations against the Khalifa-tul-Masih IV (Head of the Ahmadiyya Community) regarding Mullah Aslam Qureshi. The boy has not been recovered ever since. The police and the administration did not follow up the matter; General Zia ruled at the time. The boy is perhaps lost forever. One can well imagine the plight of his parents.

3.	Mr. Rashid Ahmad son of Mr. Bashir Ahmad Sanauri, Ahmadi, faced prosecution for six years in a religious case.

4.	The mosque, the missionary’s house and Ahmadiyya library were destroyed through arson.

5.	The local Ahmadiyya mosque was sealed at the demand of the ‘Organization for the protection of the Finality of Prophethood’. Authorities subsequently opened the locks and handed over the mosque to mullahs.

6.	Now, Mr. Suleman Ahmad, an Ahmadi youth has been booked under Ahmadi-specific law PPC 298C. He is at risk of three years’ imprisonment.

Murder remains a convenient tool in the hands of extremists opposed to Ahmadiyyat. They know that they will almost certainly get away with it. Some of them have proudly declared before authorities that by killing an Ahmadi they performed an act of great religious merit. Such persons were later declared Not Guilty by courts. Often the murderers are paid criminals. Occasionally when arrested, the police manage to discover the identity of their sponsors, but the authorities do not bring them to book because of their collaboration with religious groups.

Murder of the President of Ahmadiyya Community District Rajanpur

Rajanpur; February 25, 2003: Mian Iqbal Ahmad, advocate, District President of the Ahmadiyya Community, Rajanpur was murdered at his home office by unknown gunmen at about 2130 on February 25, 2003. Mr. Iqbal Ahmad had no personal enemy, but as he was the District President of the Ahmadiyya Community, he was a marked man by religious extremists. His assassins have not been apprehended.

The District Bar Association strongly condemned the gruesome murder and declared two-days’ leave from court activities. A few other social organizations also joined in to protest the blatant religious terrorism.

Mr. Iqbal was an active social worker. He was a popular man for his sympathetic and helpful disposition. He is survived by a widow, two sons and three daughters. This was the third murder of an Ahmadi in the preceding four months period. Details of this case are available in Chapter 2.

Brigadier (Retd) Iftikhar Ahmad shot dead at home

Rawalpindi; July 17, 2003: Brigadier (R) Iftikhar Ahmad, a well-known Ahmadi was shot dead by three assailants at lunchtime at his home.

Brigadier Iftikhar lived in a house, located in well-guarded Army Officers Colony, opposite the official residence of President Pervez Musharraf, in Rawalpindi. He was having lunch at about 1345 when three armed intruders forced their way inside and opened fire at the brigadier, who fell down on the floor. His sister tried to cover his body, but the terrorists moved to fire from a different angle. They aimed at his chest. It is obvious that they particularly intended to kill him. In the meantime, his brother-in-law tried to intervene. He actually got hold of one of them, who shot at him as well. It misfired, so the assailant hit him on his head with the pistol. He fell. The attackers fled, but in the scuffle, one of them dropped his weapon. Subsequently, the neighbors drove the injured to the Combined Military Hospital (CMH) where Brigadier Iftikhar Ahmad died after surgery at about 6 p.m. Mr. Aziz, the brother-in-law recovered.

This murder appears to be one more in the series of murders of Ahmadis, where religion is made to justify the grisly act. The police, in their usual way, minimized the gravity of the incident by telling the press that it was a robbery bid. It was indeed an odd time and place to commit a robbery. Also, the ‘robbers’ took away nothing but life. It is learnt that subsequently the police arrested the killers who ‘admitted’ the robbery. It is learnt that the killer was located a few days later in a mosque. This high profile murder should have been more carefully investigated further. Involvement of invisible but important instigators and supporters should not have been conveniently ruled out.

Brigadier Iftikhar was 65. He left behind two sons and an old mother. He was a good man and a devout Ahmadi. His funeral was attended by hundreds of sympathizers.

Attempt at murder

Chak 82 D, District Sahiwal; August 16, 2003: Two bearded men attempted to murder Mr. Munawwar Ahmad Khan, Ahmadi at his home in early hours of morning. They nearly succeeded.

Mr. Munawwar is an ex-chief of the district organization of Ahmadi elders. On August 16, when he got up in early hours of the morning for prayers, the bell rang. He opened the door. He found two men who had arrived on a Honda motorcycle. They asked him about Munawwar Ahmad. Munawwar told him that it was he himself. At this, one of them opened fire at him. The bullet shot through his thigh. Munawwar fell down. Hearing the shots, Munawwar’s children rushed out, only to find their father bleeding. The attackers fired a few more shots but fortunately they missed. In the flurry to escape, the assailants dropped and left behind their bag of ammunition. The victim was subsequently taken to the District Hospital, where the doctors advised his transfer to some major hospital in Lahore. An Ahmadi doctor, however, was of the opinion that shifting the injured that far was not advisable and that he should be treated at Sahiwal. He was therefore not shifted.

Mr. Munawwar subsequently recovered. The police registered the case, however no arrest was made. It is obviously a case of attempted murder based on faith.

Ominous visit in D.G. Khan

D.G. Khan: Someone knocked at the door of Mr. Suhail Akhtar, an Ahmadi, at about 0430 on August 1. Akhtar took care not to open the door and peeped through a hole in the door. He saw a well-built man of medium height who had masked his face. Suhail asked his identity three times, at which the intruder bolted away. Suhail informed the police of the visit. Suhail is an office-holder of Ahmadiyya Community at district level.

Three weeks later, Suhail had another visit on August 22. This time the caller knocked at 0330 hr. Suhail did not open the door and challenged the unwelcome visitor. At this, the scoundrel departed on his motorcycle. Mr. Suhail Akhtar and his wife are the only residents in the house. The two visits upset them greatly. It is good that he took care not to open the door; otherwise he would have been on the ‘list of murdered’.

So long as the bad laws and anti-Ahmadiyya discriminatory laws are on the statute book, the mullah and the society will continue to use them as tools to victimize and target Ahmadis. These laws empower the authorities to impose a wide range of penalties on Ahmadis — from death (for blasphemy) to three years in prison (for posing to be a Muslim). It is not rare that Ahmadis get acquitted, but most of them have to suffer long spells of prosecution, extensive legal costs, plenty of stress and strain, and some time in prison awaiting release on bail for which they may have to approach the High Court or even the Supreme Court. For some, it costs a few best years of their lives, even if the court eventually declares them Not Guilty. This year the number of Ahmadis who faced charges was 3.7 times more than the last year.

Blasphemy Cases against mentally retarded

Mardan; Ms Nasreen Tah and her brother Ehsanullah of Ahmadi parentage reside in Mardan. Both are mentally somewhat retarded. On July 2, 2003 their neighbours accused them of burning some pages of the Holy Quran, while they were in the process of burning old magazines and periodicals.

The neighbours beat them up and informed the police who took them in custody. The local leadership of Jamaat Islami, a component of the MMA, in an attempt to make some political and religious mileage out of the incident, helped organize a protest public meeting at the Pakistan Chowk. Some 200 persons attended. The crowd passed a resolution that the woman should be given death punishment and all Ahmadis should be thrown out of the district. The authorities reportedly took effective measures to contain the protest.

It was, however, learnt that the brother and sister were beaten up by the police and then sent to a prison at Peshawar. There, despite their mental state, both were charged under a blasphemy clause PPC 295B, and formally arrested and put behind bars.

The Session Judge was approached to release them on bail. The judge accepted the bail of the sister, but did not grant the same to the brother. He therefore remained behind bars for months before release on bail. Both the brother and the sister however are at risk of imprisonment for life in this spurious case.

A Blasphemy clause applied in a fabricated case

Rajanpur; June 16, 2003: The police booked Mr. Ghulam Hussain, an Ahmadi of Rajanpur, under one of the Blasphemy clauses, PPC 295A, at the obviously false report of one Ghulam Mustafa.

According to the FIR, the Ahmadi defiled the honour of the Holy Quran and said unspeakable words about the Holy Prophet. He called both the Quran and the prophet as false entities. Obviously these are false allegations as these are against the fundamental beliefs of the Ahmadiyya Community. None who is an Ahmadi will ever defile the Holy Quran or the Holy Prophet. Only barefaced lies of a mullah could devise such accusations against an Ahmadi.

The Rajanpur City police sent the accusing statement to the legal section that, without minimal inquiry into its veracity, gave its opinion that prima-facie offence u/s PPC 295A is made out. The police registered the case. The accused has now to defend himself against 10 years’ imprisonment on false accusation.

Another case under the Blasphemy Law

Islamabad; July 19, 2003: The police registered a criminal case under PPC 295C and 298C, the Blasphemy law and the Anti-Ahmadiyya law, against two persons who jointly authored a book ‘Pakistan Key Mazhabi Acchoot’ i.e. (Religious Dalits of Pakistan). It is about the plight of Ahmadis in the country.

It is noteworthy that this criminal case frivolously accusing the authors of blasphemy was registered by the police at the capital. That shows that the government’s declarations concerning its drive to minimize the evil and misuse of this law are hollow and its functionaries continue to enforce this law without scruple.

The case was registered as FIR Nr 241/2003 at Police Station Industrial Area, district Islamabad on July 19, 2003, under PPC 295C and 298C at the report of one Fahim A Qidwai. These two clauses carry death penalty and three years’ imprisonment respectively.

Persecution en masse

Chak Sikandar, district Gujrat: Some unknown persons murdered a mullah, Amir in Chak Sikandar on September 4, 2003. Although the mullah was an anti-Ahmadi activist, he had running feuds with many of his co-religionists. The anti-Ahmadiyya lobby wrongfully and deliberately put the blame of murder on Ahmadis, and lodged a fabricated FIR against 10 Ahmadis. The police, rather than carrying out in-depth investigation and pinpointing the murderers, conveniently arrested the 10 Ahmadis. The sectarian situation was allowed by the police to deteriorate to the detriment of the Ahmadiyya Community. Eighteen more Ahmadis were arrested and were forced to seek release on bail. As their life and property was at risk, many Ahmadi families fled from the village. They suffered undeserved hardship in the wake of this murder in which they had played no part. It is a story of gross discrimination, injustice and tyranny. Its details are available in Chapter 2.

Ahmadi faces prosecution and persecution in NWFP

Dera Ismail Khan, May 26, 2003: Mr. Suleman Ahmad of Dera Ismail Khan was booked under the anti-Ahmadiyya law PPC 298C. According to the FIR, he led prayers and propagated his faith. He thereby faces three years in prison.

According to the details, Mr. Suleman was a member of the local Brothers Health Club Body Builders. In the club, the members did occasionally discuss religion, but in a friendly atmosphere. Then in a bodybuilding contest, Suleman won a distinctive position, which aroused a sense of jealousy among some of his competitors. They approached one Khalid Gangohi who is a son of Mullah Riaz Gangohi, the local president of Majlis Tahaffuz Khatame Nabuwwat (the organization for the protection of Finality of Prophethood). These people approached the police and got the FIR registered. Suleman was arrested. The magistrate rejected his plea for bail. He remained behind bars for months before the high court released him for the duration of the trial. The details of this case are available at Chapter 2.

A case under Ahmadi-specific law

Rabwah; September 11, 2003: The police registered a case No. 295/2003 against Mr. Muhammad Arif, Ahmadi, under Ahmadi-specific law PPC 298C, at the accusation of the notorious mullah, Allah Yar Arshad. The mullah reported to the police that Arif came over to his mosque and preached Ahmadiyyat to him and asked him to convert and become an Ahmadi. No sane person would do that. The facts are different.

Muhammad Arif is an electrician by profession. He had undertaken major repairs of an electric motor fitted at the madrassa run by the mullah. The repair bill amounted to Rs. 850. The mullah paid him Rs. 200 only, and refused to pay the balance. This resulted in an argument and a scuffle. Arif had to flee to avoid injury. The mullah went over to the police with the concocted story and had the case registered against Arif under Ahmadi-specific law for preaching.

Arif has now to defend himself against imprisonment up to three years.

Another arrested under the anti-Ahmadiyya Law

Rabwah: Mr. Daud Ahmad Muzaffar was arrested and charged under PPC 298C on November 17, 2003 at police station Chenab Nagar. The FIR number is 390/03.

The accused is mentally unstable and is under treatment. His mental state has its ups and downs. On the day of the incident, he felt better and proceeded independently to Hafizabad to meet his father. On his way back, he stopped at the madrassa in the Muslim Colony, in order to avail of the rest room. It seems that his mental condition had taken a downward turn; otherwise he would not have taken the risk of entering such a hazardous location. Once inside, he was grabbed by the mullahs who handled him roughly. Ghulam Mustafa, the Mullah Incharge himself wrote the accusation and delivered the poor fellow to the police. The police formally arrested him and dispatched him to prison at Chiniot.

The poor fellow is in prison since then. His attorney applied for his release on bail, but did not succeed. The magistrate gave the date of December 8, for hearing the bail application. The state attorney offered the excuse that as Maulvi Ghulam Mustafa, the complainant was not available, the hearing should be postponed. The magistrate was not pleased, however he gave another date. It is learnt that subsequently not only the magistrate, even the Sessions Judge did not grant him the bail. The poor fellow is still behind bars and his mental state has worsened.

It is noteworthy that the state has taken over the prosecution from the mullah. If ‘enlightened moderation’ is the guiding principle, the state functionaries are guilty of serious violation of the state's declared policy. It is surprising that the judiciary, which is expected to provide relief to the poor who become targets of tyranny by the executive, also acts so heartless and callous when Ahmadis are brought before it. Even the mentally disturbed find the judges unmoved.

State terrorism!

Sadullah Pur, District Mandi Bahauddin: Mr. Ghulam Rasul, Ahmadi, died here on March 6, 2003. He belonged to the Jat Hajan clan and was accordingly buried in the joint graveyard specific to the clan. Many days later some miscreants from outside and a few locals started an agitation demanding that the deceased body should be disinterred and buried elsewhere. As the situation grew tense, Ahmadis reported to the police who took no action at their request. Thereafter the agitators approached the police, whereby the police moved fast and registered a criminal case against the Ahmadiyya Community of the village, under sections PPC 298 and 297. These sections prescribe imprisonment up to one year and fine. Eighteen Ahmadis were named subsequently in the proceedings and remained at risk of arrest by the police. The police arrested the president of the local Ahmadiyya community along with four other Ahmadis. It acted in a most culpable and condemnable manner in the incident. A somewhat detailed report of this case is available at Chapter 7.

Mullah and police co-ordinate outrage in Rabwah

Rabwah: The mullah had been making persistent efforts in the first few weeks of the year 2003 to precipitate some incident at Rabwah. The police, perhaps unwittingly, but deliberately became a willing tool in the hands of clerics to mount an unjustified and cruel punch on the Ahmadi population of Rabwah. The two got their act together to register a criminal case under the anti-Ahmadiyya law against an Ahmadi shopkeeper. It caused more than a wave of concern among the citizens of Rabwah.

Mr. Nazir Ahmad, Ahmadi, owns a shop Ahmadiyya Glass Store at Aqsa Road, where he also undertakes manufacture of frames for photos and pictures. He had displayed there a large size photo of the founder of the Ahmadiyya Movement. On March 12, 2003 at about 1730 the Officer Incharge of the local police post visited the Store accompanied by Mullah Allah Yar Arshad, the station chief of anti-Ahmadiyya activities, and three constables. The police took away the photo and registered a criminal case F.I.R. 50/2003 at the complaint of the mullah, under the anti-Ahmadiyya sections PPC 298B and 298C. Under these laws the Ahmadi accused could be imprisoned for three years and made to pay a fine.

Mullas trap another Ahmadi at Golarchi

Golarchi, District Badin, Sind; March 28, 2003: A group that had personal vendetta against an Ahmadi family managed to get a criminal case registered against 2 Ahmadis u/s PPC 365, 511, 354, 34 at Police Station Rahu, district Badin. In this, the group was helped by anti-Ahmadi activists and mullas - and, of course, the police. Golarchi has a long history as a center of anti-Ahmadiyya agitation.

According to the available facts of the case, Mr. Mansur Ahmad and Akbar, Ahmadis, on their way to Badin allowed a lift in their jeep to Majeed Mallah and his wife, at the couple’s request. There was no incident during the drive. However, two days later Ahmadis learnt that Majeed Mallah had got registered a case against them on charge of kidnapping and attempt at abduction etc. Their opposing group joined hands with mullahs and thereafter created an ugly situation. They proceeded to also intimidate the attorney of the accused. Their conspiracy aimed at disturbing the law and order and severe harassment of Ahmadis with whom previously they had a quarrel over canal water distribution. The police case, however, was entirely fictitious and fabricated. It is typical in the way that common man seeks mullahs’ support to victimize Ahmadis through the police and courts. The anti-Ahmadiyya environment in the country presents all kinds of opportunities to those who have a personal vendetta to settle with an Ahmadi.

Criminal case registered against eight Ahmadiyya Community officials and workers

Rabwah; January 17, 2003: On behest of a local mullah, the police registered a case against seven Ahmadis under PPC 506 and 341 in FIR No. 18/2003 at police station Chenab Nagar (Rabwah). The mullah accused Ahmadis of wrongful restraint and threats of murder. He accused specifically by name, Mr. Saadi who is the General President of the Ahmadiyya Community at Rabwah and his assistant Mr. Hameedullah.

The facts of the incident are quite simple. There is great deal of traffic rush near the Aqsa Mosque on Fridays at about mid-day due to the weekly congregational prayers. Therefore in order to avoid accidents, the traffic is routed through alternate routes by Ahmadi volunteers posted at the nearby road intersections. These volunteers asked a rickshaw driver to take the alternate route. To their surprise, the rickshaw stopped, and from inside jumped out a mullah who lashed out at the volunteers in severe words, threatened them with dire consequences and departed. At his mosque, the mullah spoke venomously against Ahmadis in his sermon. In the evening he got a criminal case registered against 7 or 8 Ahmadis including senior Ahmadiyya Community officials who were not present within a kilometer of the spot of the incident. The PPC applied by the police carries a penalty of imprisonment of seven years.

This incident and the one mentioned below were links of a chain of conspiracy that unfolded at the time.

Another fabricated case against five Ahmadis at Rabwah

Rabwah; January 12, 2003: On the accusation of a non-Ahmadi, the police registered a criminal case against five Ahmadi youth under PPC 342 and PPC 355 in FIR No 9/2003 at Police Station Rabwah. The accused are liable to two years’ imprisonment. They were falsely charged of assault and wrongful confinement.

The truth is otherwise. Residents of Rabwah have suffered in the past thefts, armed robberies and even murders committed by anti-social elements and criminals. Therefore, in consultation with the police, the local community had organized a volunteer task group to promote security, on the basis of self-help. This arrangement had the desired result in reduction of crime. On January 9, these volunteers, while on a mobile patrol, came across a person whose movements were rather suspicious. The guards asked him about his identity. The man took offense to the questioning and proceeded to get hold of a stick as if to fight with. The volunteers retreated. A few days later, the police registered a criminal case against five Ahmadis although the guards had not even touched the complainant.

Subsequently, the police detained one of the accused on February 5, and the other four on February 18.

This case was part of the multifarious plan of the mullahs to disturb peace in Rabwah. The administration and the police become willing tools in their hands in anti-Ahmadiyya moves.

Another frivolous accusation and wrongful arrest at Rabwah

Rabwah, May 29, 2003: In collaboration with Mullah Allah Yar Arshad, the police at Rabwah registered a criminal case under the anti-Ahmadiyya law PPC 298C, against two Ahmadis for writing the Kalima (Islamic creed) on their house. The same night, under the directions of the police inspector, the Kalima was forcibly effaced from the front wall of the house of the accused. The police arrested Mr. Mubarak Ahmad, the son of the main accused, who was not even the owner of the house. The father and the son now face three years’ imprisonment. A relatively more detailed account of this oppressive incident is available in Chapter 6.

Arrest of a septuagenarian and a headmaster

Chak 45/P Khanpur, District Rahim Yar Khan; December 16, 2003: At this village, Mr. Ismail is the president of the local Ahmadiyya Community while his son Dr. M A Tayyab practices homeopathy and another son Mr. Tahir Ahmad is a headmaster at the primary school. The doctor has a successful practice, and the family is well to do. Hafiz Maqsud, the local prayer leader grew jealous of the family and took up slanderous sermons against Ahmadis at his congregations. In response, Mr. Ismail sent the mullah a few questions raised by a Christian (from an old publication) and asked him to answer those and enlighten the public. Armed with these questions on a paper, the mullah agitated his flock and proceeded to the police station. The police registered the case under the anti-Ahmadiyya law PPC 298C against the three and proceeded to arrest the headmaster and the elderly community president.

Competition in writing poetry

Rabwah: Two years ago, Mr. Nasim Ahmad who occasionally writes poetry in Urdu, wrote a poem on the subject of ‘The Terrorist Mullah’. Mullah Allah Yar Arshad, the resident chief of anti-Ahmadiyya activities, somehow got a copy of this poem. He, not unexpectedly and as is his wont, produced something really filthy and provocative against the respected personalities, dead and alive, of Ahmadis, and sent a copy of the same to Ahmadis. Mr. Iftikhar A Bajwa, an Ahmadi, produced a rebuttal to the attack. The mullah could not bear up with active defense by an Ahmadi and rushed to the police station for state support. It was provided without delay, and the police registered two cases 247/03 and 248/03 against three Ahmadis under 16 M.P.O.

It is appropriate to mention that while the police never took action on Ahmadis’ persistent complaints against mullahs’ outrages, but for once when an Ahmadi retorted, the police proceeded to act. They wrongfully included Mr. Nasim’s son, Mr. Wasim Ahmad in the charge sheet accusing him of distribution of the poem.

Prosecution of Ahmadis from Kot Hira

Kot Hira, District Gujranwala: A criminal case was registered on religious grounds against nine Ahmadis in July 1996 under the notorious anti-Ahmadiyya law PPC 298C and the blasphemy law PPC 295C. Three of the accused were Ahmadi religious teachers. The case was a fabricated one, and grossly malafide. It was concocted under the formula ‘Maximum harm with minimum effort’, in that as many as nine individuals were named for prosecution in only one case. This started the long drawn legal battle and the consequent harassment and affliction that went on for seven years. A lot happened in the mean time.

The defense attorney, Khawja Sarfraz Ahmad made great efforts and eventually succeeded in getting the irrelevant blasphemy clause removed from the charge sheet. However, he died while the case kept on dragging in the courts. One of the accused, Mr. Ilahi also died in the meanwhile. One of the involved accused had to jump the bail and proceeded abroad to get on with life, as the false case was taking years to get decided. Another accused Tasawwar Ilahi fled the country to seek asylum abroad. The court put these two on a separate charge sheet and proceeded to try the rest. The six hired a new advocate to plead their case. Eventually more than seven years after the registration of the case, the magistrate discovered that the charges were baseless. He declared them Not Guilty, and acquitted all the six.

Although the accused were eventually acquitted of the charges, it has cost them seven precious years of their lives. It is difficult to work out the costs involved on account of the legal fees, the time spent, the harassment suffered and the fear lived through. The amount of stress and strain that the trial generated for the accused is also impossible to quantify. It is tyranny - simple and pure. The two who have gone abroad may never be able to come back to their country of origin for fear of having to undergo the same ordeal that may last as long, or even longer. Who knows?

An end to the plight of an old man

Leyya; January 31, 2003: Mr. Abdul Majid, President of the Ahmadiyya Community Chak 93/TDA was acquitted by the court eventually. He was released from the prison on February 2, after one year and eight months of imprisonment. Let’s recall what happened.

At the complaint of anti-Ahmadiyya activists the police registered a criminal case against Messers Abdul Majid, Shaukat Ali, Anwar Ahmad and Muhammad Yousaf, Ahmadis, under anti-Ahmadiyya and other religious laws PPC 295A, 295B, and 298B, on April 24, 2001. They were charged, inter alia, for construction of a minaret and a niche in the Ahmadiyya mosque. Out of these four, Mr. Majid and Ali were arrested. Mr. Ahmad was granted bail before arrest, while Mr. Yousaf was let off by the police. Later, Mr. Ali was also released on bail, but Mr. Majid could not get the bail even at the High Court level.

His case was presented to an anti-terrorism court by the prosecution, although there was no reason whatsoever to do so. The accused appealed and the court sent the case to a normal court for hearing. Mr. Abdul Majid applied on six different occasions subsequently to the court for release on bail while awaiting trial, however his plea was rejected, and he had to stay behind bars and wait for the trial proceedings and a decision.

On January 31, 2003, eventually, a good judge acquitted the elderly gentleman of the false charges. The venerable president thus spent more than 20 agonizing months in prison for having done no wrong. The minaret and niche in that mosque were built before General Zia enforced the notorious law. There are hundreds of other Ahmadiyya mosques in the country that have minarets and niches.

To be an Ahmadi is vulnerable and ‘at risk’ in Pakistan — the law ensures that.

The ordeal of Mr. Saggon

Khangarh, district Muzaffargarh: Mr. Mushtaq Ahmad Saggon was arrested in August 2002 under the anti-Ahmadiyya law PPC 298C. He remained behind bars since then and faced prosecution in a court.

On 26 May 2003 hearing, witnesses for the prosecution failed to turn up, so the accusers promised that they would be produced the next day. The court agreed and postponed the hearing. The next day again, the witnesses failed to turn up. So the court gave 29 May as the date for final presentations. At this hearing, the prosecutor himself did not turn up. A few days later, when the court heard the case, the prosecution attorney reminded the court that he had applied earlier that the Blasphemy clause, PPC 295C be added to the list of charges. He stated that as this court was not competent to handle the very serious charge of Blasphemy, the case should be forwarded to the Sessions Court. At this, the court forwarded the case to the Sessions Court. The Ahmadi accused was threatened with a law that prescribes death as penalty.

It is relevant to mention that on the day of last hearing, the assembled mullahs were heard inquiring about the identity of the defense counsel. They noted that it was Mr. Nasir Ahmad son of Mr. Mushtaq Ahmad. “He should better attend to his own life”, remarked a mullah. The defense counsel got worried.

Saggon applied for release on bail. The magistrate refused his plea. He then applied to the Sessions, where again he was denied what was his due. The mullahs also went from court to court seeking up-gradation of the charge. They wanted to see him on the gallows for being an Ahmadi, and urged the courts to add the notorious 295A and 295C clauses to his charge sheet. The higher courts obliged neither party. However, Mr. Saggon had to suffer continued incarceration while awaiting trial. He also had to incur expenses of higher courts in his efforts to avoid the application of the dreadful clauses.

Eventually, the good judge declared him Not Guilty. The innocent accused, however, had by then suffered 10 months in prison.

The decision was not received well by the clergy of Muzaffargarh. Mr. Saggon, fearing a terrorist attempt, left his home and hearth, along with his family. He has decided to lie low at some unknown location for the time being.

A troublesome matrimony

Narang Mandi, District Sheikhupura: Mr. Iqbal joined the Ahmadiyya Community in 1995. He married his cousin Aliya, as is the custom in the Punjab. Aliya is a non-Ahmadi; but there are hundreds of such couples in this area. The marriage, somehow, did not work out well, and differences arose. They separated and the ex-wife approached the court. Armed with anti-Ahmadiyya Ordinance, she accused her husband of committing adultery with her (his wife) in addition to other accusations. The police arrested the poor fellow. He stayed behind bars for six months before the High Court allowed his release on bail. The fabricated case concerning the application of the Blasphemy clause PPC 295C is still pending with the High Court. There was a hearing on June 12, 2003. The worthy judge decided that two judges, not one, should hear the case. Accordingly, a division bench of judges will be formed for this trashy case.

Prosecution en masse

Sixty-eight Ahmadis of Rabwah are facing different charges in 84 cases at courts in nearby Chiniot. Most of them have to present themselves there regularly every month. Normally, no proceedings take place, but they have to face the fabricated cases and bad laws.

An important sector of Ahmadiyya life in Pakistan that faced full brunt thrust of the anti-Ahmadiyya campaign is ‘Education’. Ahmadis were the most literate community in Pakistan, and their men and women served in great numbers in state schools and colleges. Ahmadis had their own educational institutions also. The mullah, in league with education officials, targeted Ahmadis in the education sector and succeeded in doing irreparable damage to many careers, extant and future. The mullah still has a great deal of influence in this field, and his legacy continues, as the following incidents would show.

A crude and unbecoming letter from the Government of the Punjab

Lahore; June 27, 2003: The Government of the Punjab (Education Department) issued a TOP PRIORITY, REGISTERED letter No. SO(A-II)1-27/01 on June 27, 2003. Its title is given as, LETTER RECEIVED FROM MOULVI FAQIR MOHAMMAD. The letter is rather grotesque and would be of great interest, now and in future, to anyone interested in Pakistan of early 21st century.

Its copy is placed as Annex V to this Report.

The background of this case is briefly stated. There are three private schools at Faisalabad that are owned and managed by Ahmadis. The schools enjoy good reputation. This makes mullahs and competitors jealous. They jointly mounted a propaganda drive against these schools. The agitation was led by Mullah Faqir Mohammad who is a self-styled Information Secretary of the Khatame Nabuwwat Organization. It is on official record that this mullah is an evil-talker and a bully. Mr. Javed Qureshi, a Commissioner arrested him sometimes back under the Goonda Act (aimed at rascals). The mullah had to seek pardon for his release. He is a past master in making false representations. He has taken up this jihad against the three schools. The authorities found it convenient to harass the managers and educators of these schools. Eventually the government issued the above-mentioned letter. It directed that:

This letter and the follow-up action deserve some comment:

1.

The Government of the Punjab (the largest province of Pakistan, with a population of approximately 70 million) accords TOP PRIORITY to a letter from some mulla, Maulvi Faqir Mohammad. It would be interesting piece of research to locate a TOP PRIORITY letter ever written by this government to issues like Higher Education, Professional Education, Improvement in Quality of Education, Universal Education, Women’s Education etc.

2.

The Government requires the three schools to expose themselves as ‘Qadiani’ by writing in “large plain hand writing on the school boards, displays for advertisement for their recognition being non-Muslims…”. It appears logical that the next step the government could take was to direct Christian management of their education institutions to do the same.

3.

The government has sent this letter to the police chief, the DCO and the Education Executive of Faisalabad and directed them that ‘Home Department may be apprised of the action taken to further adopt precautionary measures through its own notwork (sic)’. As if the vulgar measures ordered therein were inadequate, the lesser officials should think of and devise further measures to placate Maulvi Faqir. And surely enough, the Assistant Education Officer (A.Ed.O.) Markaz City-III, Faisalabad compliantly issued his order No. 683 dated July 30, 2003 wherein he directed the Principal of Mani Public School that “It is extremely important to write the word (Qadiani) on your… … letterhead pad and certificates”. The government accorded TOP PRIORITY precedence to the mullah’s demand, while the local official added ‘extreme importance’ to the cleric’s wish. There is apparently no limit to the absurdity and shallowness once those who govern become subservient to the mulla. Present-day mandarins at Lahore seem to be quite unaware of the long-established tradition that a ‘government letter’ exhibits authority, propriety and wisdom. This letter, however, turns one’s mind to the issue of Mice and Men.

4.

The A.Ed.O. in his letter referred to the Executive District Officer (Edu) Faisalabad (his superior) letter No. 7558 dated 26.7.03 and stated inter alia that: “It is extremely important that the word Qadiani be written on your school board/advertisements/letter pads and certificates. (As such) write immediately the word ‘Qadiani’ (on your sign-board/advertisements/ certificate). Report compliance with this directive within three days otherwise your registration will be cancelled. Qadiani (sic) is not to be preached to the Muslim students at your school, nor you are to compel them to follow your religious teachings.” (An unnecessary instruction, as no preaching/ compulsion whatsoever was undertaken at the schools.) “Senior officials will personally check the implementation of above orders and serious note will be taken of any violation”. It seems that the entire administration is on the run. The petty mullah must be having a big laugh.

5.

The daily DAWN, Lahore published the following headline news on August 5, 2003 attributing them to the President: Musharraf plans to meet Ulema Extremism sullied nation’s image It is interesting to note the vast difference between what the president says and what is implemented in the streets of Faisalabad. Obviously when there is a lack of will and mettle, the mullah knows it and he pushes his agenda regardless of assertions made at the top.

The reply given by the owner of Mani Public School is quite readable. It is placed at Annex VI.

Official harassment based on faith

Pasrur; September 23, 2003: Mr. Awais Ayub Butt, Ahmadi had been a lecturer in a government college, but was unjustifiably relieved of his job. He appealed to the High Court. It gave a decision in his favour, and Mr. Butt was accordingly appointed in Degree College at Pasrur, district Sialkot. However, when he reported to join, the college principal did not let him. Sectarian politics were invoked and mullahs in various mosques delivered sermons against Mr. Butt, the Ahmadi’s joining the college. The principal gave him in writing the statement that, “in view of the clerics’ opposition and the sentiments of college staff against Qadianis, he should seek appointment elsewhere”. The principal signed the statement and put his official seal on it. It is dated 23. 9. 2003.

Harrying of a school headmaster

Nankana Sahib, district Sheikhupura: Mr. Daud Shakir, Ahmadi is a headmaster of a local government primary school. He is a conscientious and hardworking teacher. Rai Shah Nawaz, Nazim of another Union Council asked him to issue a bogus certificate. The headmaster refused to comply with the demand. The Nazim was not pleased and he fired a big religious salvo against the teacher, telling all the high-ups who matter that Shakir was a Mirzai (Ahmadi) and was preaching his faith in the school. He sent his letter, with his big seals on it, to the Minister of Education, the District Education Officer, the District Nazim, the Superintendent of Police - and even the Prime Minister of Pakistan. This effort cost him perhaps not more than Rs.30/- (postal charges and photocopies), however it will cost a great deal more to the poor headmaster to save his skin.

Religious abuse in a government school

Rabwah: Under the arrangements of the Education Department, Ahmadi children from three local schools had assembled in T.I. Government High School at Rabwah to take test in the final examination of the Primary level. While assembled there, they were told by the examining staff to the effect that: Prophet Muhammad was the Last Prophet, there shall be no prophet after him; if anybody claims to be a prophet or accepts him to be a prophet, he is a liar and an infidel, etc.

This imposition of a particular and disputed dogma upon children in such circumstances and to injure their religious sensibilities was indeed highly improper.

A schoolteacher dislodged

Bhera, district Sargodha: Mr. Manzoor Qadir Khan, Ahmadi is a science teacher and a resident of Bhera. He was arrested and is facing charges under the anti-Ahmadiyya law PPC 298C. He was subsequently released on bail. These days he is posted at Government High School Chak 45 (South), district Sargodha. A teacher at the same school, who teaches Arabic has taken up the jihad again his Ahmadi colleague and agitates the students against him. The students are indulging in writing anti-Ahmadiyya slogans on walls. It has spoiled the social peace of the village and the school. Mr. Khan is facing prosecution in a court at Bhalwal. Under these circumstance, he has been forced to live out of the district of Sargodha.

Some human rights concerns mistakenly think that Rabwah is a safe haven for Ahmadis in Pakistan. Far from it; in fact it is a place where Ahmadis are more visible and thus more vulnerable. It is the headquarters of the Ahmadiyya Community, as such it figures as a very important factor in the decision making process of anti-Ahmadiyya policymakers and their plans. Opponents of Ahmadiyyat try often to turn up the heat here so as to make the pot boil over, as and when it suits them.

Unfolding of a conspiracy

Rabwah: During December 2002 Mullah Allah Yar Arshad, the local station-manager of mischief at Rabwah, precipitated four incidents in quick succession. First he intercepted and insulted an Ahmadi youth on December 19. The next day, he manhandled a teen-ager in the forenoon. The mullah subjected another lad to physical injury later in the day. In the evening the mullah accompanied by a few gangsters from nearby town of Chiniot was seen probing near an Ahmadi’s residence. These gangsters are known to be implicated in anti-Ahmadiyya criminal activities. The following day on December 21, some people vandalized an Ahmadiyya graveyard from the adjacent Bokhari mosque where this mullah is the prayer-leader. Ahmadiyya Community was quick to sense that some conspiracy was in the offing whereby mullahs were making deliberate efforts to precipitate something at Rabwah, that would give them an excuse to launch some ugly movement all over the country.

Ahmadis’ concern was not misplaced. The mullahs in local mosques at Rabwah further raised the level of slander and abuse in their sermons. One after another, they precipitated incidents and tried to blow them out of proportion. Ahmadis made deliberate efforts to minimize the likely damage. In one of the Friday sermons, the entire Ahmadiyya population of Rabwah was advised by the Ahmadi Imam to remain on guard against any provocation from the clerics and their associates, and not to repay vulgarity and provocation in the same coin. Mullahs however fanned the fire of discord and tried to impose their will on the local and higher administration. They succeeded in getting two criminal cases registered against a dozen Ahmadis on fabricated grounds. These incidents are mentioned in Chapter 4.

In their Friday sermons of January 17, various mullahs used very derogatory language against Ahmadis and their leadership. One of these rabble-rousers had come all the way from Sargodha for this occasion. This mullah threatened a countrywide movement. The authorities responded by registration of cases against Ahmadis, hoping that thereby the mul